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% [Wid]
\title{The Popper Newsletter: 
Volume 4 Numbers 1 \& 2}
\date{March 1992 (HTML Translation: August 1995)}
\author{Editor: 
\htmladdnormallink{Fred Eidlin}
{http://www.eeng.dcu.ie/\%7Etkpw/people/eidlin.html}}
\maketitle

\tableofcontents

\section{(COVER MATTER)}

\subsection{Banner}

\begin{rawhtml}
<HR>
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{\huge\bf NEWSLETTER

{\LARGE\it For those interested in the philosophy of Karl Popper

Pour ceux qui s'int\'{e}ressent \`{a} la philosophie de 
Karl Popper

F\"{u}r an der Philosophie Karl Poppers interessierte
}}

\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Editor, Fred Eidlin
Associate Editor, Andreas Pickel       Associate Editor, Ray Percival
Department of Political Studies                     70 Hillview Court
University of Guelph                                    Astley Bridge
Guelph, Ontario, Canada  N1G 2W1              Bolton BL1 8NU, England

Telephone: (519) 824-4120 (ext. 3469)          Telephone: 0204-593114
FAX (519) 837-9561                                   Fax: 0204-668618
E-Mail: <A HREF="mailto:feidlin@polnet.css.uoguelph.ca">feidlin@polnet.css.uoguelph.ca</A>

Volume 4, Numbers 1 & 2 (March 1992)                   ISSN 0824-1708
</PRE>
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\subsection{About the newsletter}



     The purpose of this NEWSLETTER is to facilitate 
personal contacts and exchange
of information among people interested in criticism, 
development, and application of
Popper's ideas. This includes those who would not want to 
be considered
"Popperians."  Frequency of publication and the size of the 
NEWSLETTER will depend
upon the amount of material received and funds available.

     Correspondence and information for publication 
submitted for publication in the
NEWSLETTER may be in English, French, or German. If 
possible, please write your
submissions to the NEWSLETTER in the form in which you 
would like them to appear,
and try to make clear what is intended for publication, and 
what is intended for the
information of the Editor only (if it makes any 
difference).  Contributions should not
exceed 10 typed pages (double-spaced) (1800 words) in 
length.  



\subsection{What to submit to the Newsletter?
What should be published in the Newsletter?}



     This NEWSLETTER would be of little interest to most of 
its subscribers (including
its Editor) if it contained nothing by news about debates 
and publications of
professional philosophers. Many non-philosophers are 
interested in Popper's ideas
because they find them useful in their own work and their 
own lives. Many people are
intrigued by Popper's ideas because of their relevance to 
so many different
professions, scholarly disciplines, and other areas of 
life, and because these ideas cut
across the traditional disciplinary boundaries of scholarly 
and professional
communities. The NEWSLETTER seeks to provide the focal 
point and meeting place
that has not previously existed for people in the many 
fields of human endeavor
throughout the world who have been influenced, challenged, 
and annoyed by the
works of Popper and others who have extended and criticized 
his work.

     Non-philosophers are especially encouraged to submit 
news, discussion items, and
information about their publications for inclusion in the 
NEWSLETTER, without
worrying much about whether or not there is enough of a 
direct link to Popper's
philosophy to warrant inclusion.

     Readers' criticisms of the NEWSLETTER and suggestions 
for editorial guidelines
are welcome.   

\subsection{\bf HOW TO SUBSCRIBE TO THE NEWSLETTER }

% [Center]
{\bf COST 2 issues  -   ABONNEMENT 2 num\'{e}ros}{\bf    -  
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% [center]

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\section{NOTES FROM THE EDITORS}

{\it It has been over four years since the last issue of 
the {\em Newsletter}.  There are
reasons for this long delay.  We won't trouble you with 
them here, but would be pleased
to explain to anyone interested.  Suffice it to say that we 
are willing to continue to
publish the {\em Newsletter} as long as there is a 
readership and enough worthwhile material
to publish.  Please send contributions, including 
information about your publications,
interests and activities.  



% [Center]
* * *
% [center]




{\bf We are pleased to announce that Dr. Ray Percival, who 
for the past serveral years
has been the organizer of an annual one-day conference on 
Popper's philosophy, has
agreed to serve as an Associate Editor of the {\em 
NEWSLETTER.  Contributions, queries and
subscriptions can be addressed to him, as well as to Andres 
Pickel or Fred Eidlin.  }



We would like to publish a range of comments in memorium of 
Bill Bartley.  If you
have written something (published or not) or know of 
interesting comments by others,
please send them in.  }



- the editors

}

\section{NEWS \& DISCUSSION}
\subsection{HANS ALBERT ON RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY}

%
\WPindent{%
[{\bf {\em Editor's Note:}} The following is a translation 
of a conversation between
Prof. Hans Albert (Mannheim) and {\em Newsletter} Editor, 
Fred Eidlin.  We would
like to encourage our readers to submit transcripts of 
interviews or
discussions as well as excerpts from written correspondence 
that might be
of interest to the {\em Newsletter} readership, provided of 
course all parties have
given their agreement.]%
}%




There are really very different kinds of people working in 
the Rational Choice
paradigm.  

For example, [Siegwart] Lindenberg has learned modern 
political economy.  In any
case, he uses that kind of procedure in an interesting way. 
 He is working on a book
explaining revolution. He doesn't always stress general 
laws and wants to make a
linkage to experiments and social research.   He is very 
balanced in this respect.  He
wants to use psychological research only in order to 
improve the behavioral assumptions
of the economic approach.  He also shows why, to some 
extent, these assumptions
have to be simplifications.  He thinks there has to be an 
interplay.  

I think so too.  You can't just ask the psychologists what 
the laws of behavior are. 
They will look at you astonished.  Maybe not the learning 
theorists.  They have laws of
learning.  All the others say "No."  We investigate 
personality profiles and this and that,
and everything imaginable.  We can't find the laws we would 
need in the social sciences 
anywhere - the behavioral assumptions.  You have to search 
the social science tradition
and improve them.  You can use insights from other 
disciplines for purposes of criticism
and improvement, but you can't just say "Here are the 
assumptions about behavior.  The
psychologists have found them.  Now apply them."  It won't 
work.  

Psychology has its own problems.  They are often different 
from those we have
in the social sciences.  They can make sense, but this 
doesn't mean you can simply take
over a problem solution from psychology, since the problem 
formulation was different,
even if it made a lot of sense.  They want to know the 
circumstances under which
people go crazy.  Some things you can take over.  You have 
to look at it closely.  

The achievement-motivation people are very interesting for 
the social sciences.
Why?  If, for example, you read Schumpeter's theory of 
economic development.  It has
an entrepreneurial model - how entrepreneurs search for new 
{\em Pro\-duk\-tions\-kom\-bi\-na\-tion\-en}, and to explain the development.  And the 
comments that Schumpeter makes
about entrepreneurial behavior - e.g. entrepreneurs don't 
necessarily have a profit motive. 
The entrepreneurs regard profit as a kind of achievement 
standard by which they
measure their success.  Profit itself is often not so 
interesting for them, it's just a
success-standard.  The market gives them a standard.  So it 
isn't self-evident that
someone who strives for profit has a profit motive.  He can 
have very different motives,
but this is the standard of success that he accepts.  And 
the achievement-motivation
people have developed a research program, where they show 
that achievement-motivated people strive for distinction, 
i.e. they strive for problem-solutions that contain
some kind of excellence.  What really matters to them is to 
achieve results.  The
standard can be very different.  They choose their tasks 
accordingly.  E.g. this has been
tested on achievement-motivated children.  They always 
choose tasks of medium risk. 
When you win on low-risk tasks, you can't be proud of it.  
Tasks with very high risk are
crazy.  With tasks of medium risk you can act strategically 
and succeed on the basis of
your own capabilities.  That is why they choose such tasks. 
 And they have read
Schumpeter - these people.  The author of {\em The Achieving 
Society}, McClelland read
Schumpeter.  He was inspired by what Schumpeter said about 
entrepreneurs.  And this
is most interesting.  The entrepreneurs are often too 
optimistic in their expectations, and
it is only because of this that they can become active.  If 
they were to calculate
correctly, they wouldn't take risks.  Such things are in 
it.  The Max Weber thing - how
achievement motivation arises is explained.  Weber said the 
spirit of capitalism is as
important as the other conditions.  How did the spirit of 
capitalism arise?  Through an
ascetic Protestantism.  The entrepreneurs didn't strive for 
profit for reasons of money,
rather they wanted to be sure that they would be saved.  
You could only do this through
success in the present.  Now these people say that 
conversion to such a
{\em Weltanschauung} is only one of the possibilities of 
creating achievement motivation.  But
it doesn't always have to be Christianity.  In Japan it was 
by the ethics of the lower
Samurai class.  It doesn't always have to be conversion to 
a {\em Weltanschauung}.  How
does this come to pass.  If you take a closer look, it is 
the educational practices of
Puritanism.  They placed great value on self-reliance.  If 
you make use of these
educational practices, even independently of religion, you 
can also create achievement
motivation.  This means that they produced a generalized 
theory of achievement
motivation of which the theory about the influence of 
Protestant ethics on motivation
is a special case.  As a result, they had a more general 
theory which can be used to
explain economic development where there is no 
Protestantism, since there is a
completely different culture.  

If you read Robert N. Bella {\em Tokugawa Religion} you see 
that the Samurai class
played the same role as the entrepreneurs in England.  They 
have a completely different
religion, but they stressed similar values.  There you have 
a more general theory of
behavior.  Perhaps it isn't yet universal, but this is a 
development which can also be
interesting.  And this is part of psychology which can be 
interesting here.   But not all
kinds of psychology.  Only those that focus on problems 
that play a role here, e.g. on
the problem-solving behavior of the entrepreneurial 
personality.  If you take normal
economics, something like this doesn't arise at all with 
the utility function.

Economics has often failed in developing countries.  Why?  
Because there are
completely different institutions, different personality 
types, and the assumptions that
are usually made don't work at all.  If, instead of these 
universal utility functions, you
have theories of motivation in which such things occur, 
under what conditions, with
what educational measures achievement motivation arises, it 
might be otherwise. McClelland went to developing countries 
and did training in achievement motivation,
with modern methods.  I think he was successful.  Then he 
said, good, let's see,
achievement motivation is not the only thing.  There is 
also power motivation, affiliation
motivation.  Motivation is always mixed.  There is a 
combination of achievement and
power motivation with American entrepreneurs, or something 
like that.  Maybe there is
a bias in it.  Nevertheless, despite this, he tried to 
develop a theory of motivation, that
is applied to interesting situations in social science and 
makes explanation possible.  He
somewhat neglected the social-structural aspects of the 
situation, as his critics (for
example Eisenstadt) have observed.  But someone else can 
bring them in.  Psychologists
never have much understanding for structures.  

One problem is: How do achievement-motivated people get 
into the situations in
which they can become entrepreneurs?  This isn't 
self-evident.  It is the problem of the
recruitment of entrepreneurs.  There might be social 
barriers there.  There are many
achievement-motivated boys who will never be entrepreneurs 
if there are social barriers
in place.  This is the question of social mobility.  And 
the question of social mobility is
partly a question of structures.  In a caste society like 
India, the talented and
achievement-motivated can't rise because there are social 
barriers.  So, on the one hand
there is education for achievement motivation; on the other 
hand, there is social mobility
and recruitment to roles.  There is a social-structural 
component and a motivational one. 
You can imagine what a meaningful kind of research this is. 
 By the way, I wrote a
paper, "Erwerbsprinzip und Sozialstruktur" where I 
criticized economics because it
doesn't do things like this.  



(FE) Have you sent AB (a rational choice theorist) these 
papers?  



(HA) I send him my papers.  He probably hasn't read them.  
Those people always cite
Americans.  They don't read me.  They are very friendly to 
me, but they don't read me. 




(FE) But he regards you as a great expert.  



(HA) Maybe, but why should he read it?   He has so much to 
read.  I don't know and it's
all the same to me.  I have also brought people together 
from the most diverse areas in
order to apply this.  But this is also practically a 
sketch.  



(FE) I think you are too optimistic.  The social sciences 
consist almost entirely of
research programs, and people talk past each other.  



(HA) Yes, of course.  I'm not optimistic at all.  Most of 
what is done in social science
is junk.

Most people read only literature from their own 
orientation.  There is so much
literature for every orientation that you can't even keep 
up with the literature from your
own orientation.  They hardly read the others.  



(FE) But even when they read them, they have an ideology 
through which they interpret
the others.  For example, there are two quantitative 
orientations in American political
science.  When you look at their articles, e.g. in {\em The 
American Political Science Review},
they look identical.  Both use mathematical formulae and 
lots of mathematics.  There are
first the Michigan survey research people.  



(HA) Oh yes, survey, Ann Arbor.  That's where our people 
go.  That's where they learn
everything.  



(FE) These are the empiricists.  They gather data.  



(HA) Yes, that's right.  Our people are always sent to 
Michigan to learn their methods.



(FE) The other school is Rochester.  Riker and ...



(HA) Oh, he's in Rochester.  They must be theorists.  
Rochester, Karl Brunner also
comes from there, the economist.  



(FE) I've talked with people from both schools, and what I 
find really interesting is that
both sides, both schools have, first of all, 
rationalizations for their own weaknesses.  



(HA) That's normal.  



(FE) But they have a whole system of rationalizations that 
explain why they accept such
weak assumptions, and so on, but they attack the other side 
for their weak assumptions. 
And they have contempt for each other.  



(HA) It's like that here too.  The systems people don't 
bother with the others, have
contempt for the empiricists; the empiricists have contempt 
for the systems people, and
... 



(FE) Like you, I would like to learn from all of them, but 
I am trying to understand and
solve the intellectual problems that have to be solved if 
you want to bring them together. 




(HA) That has always been my problem in economics.  I wrote 
a Habilitation thesis
dissertation - {\em National\"{o}konomie }{\em als 
Soziologie} (Political Economy as Sociology).  I wrote
in it that the Neo-classicists have no social structures.  
You have to bring in this whole
problem of institutions, and so on, otherwise you can't 
give reasonable explanations. 
It was shot down by the sociologists as well as the 
economists.  



(FE) These paradigms are ideologies - just like political 
ideologies.  



(HA) But you know, there is a small current, for example, 
Coleman belongs to it, which
attempts to bring social structures into economics.  Now 
and then there is a little article
in {\em The American Economic Review} or somewhere else.  
All over the place.  These
articles are all very interesting.  But this is never the 
dominant tendency.  The dominant
tendency are Arrow-DeBreu, post-Keynesianism.  Coleman was 
a sociologist who learned
economics, who is now tying them together.  This is very 
rare.  They are always short
articles.  You have to look for them with a magnifying 
glass.  

\subsection{AGASSI-GR\"{U}NBAUM EXCHANGE ON POPPER AND PSYCHOANALYSIS}

%
\WPindent{%
{\bf Editor's Note:} Professor Joseph Agassi submitted the 
following three letters
to the {\em Newsletter}, suggesting that they be published 
along with Professor
Gr\"{u}nbaum's replies, provided Gr\"{u}nbaum would agree.  
Gr\"{u}nbaum instead
submitted the response following Agassi's letters.  %
}%

\subsubsection{Agassi to Gr\"{u}nbaum: May 6th 1983}

\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Professor Adolf Gr&uuml;nbaum            May 6th 1983
President, APA Eastern Division,
2510 Cathedral of Learning,
University of Pittsburgh,
Pittsburgh Pa. 15260/USA


Dear Adolf:
</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}



Please forgive my having addressed you formally in my last 
letter.  I am not well
versed in etiquette and did not want, while complaining 
about your conduct in your
Presidential Address, to presume upon our personal 
relations.  I stand corrected and am
grateful.  So here we are, back on a first name basis, 
calling each other names.

You remind me that the thinkers you were criticizing in 
your Address are all
irrationalists who influence many of our colleagues and are 
respected by many more of
our colleagues who are not familiar with their writings so 
that your critique was 'both
substantially germane and sociologically imperative'.  I 
have said in my letter of
complaint by the Chairman of the Board of APA, Professor 
Ruth Barcan Marcus, that
these are not in any way the objects of my complaint.  Now 
you ascribe to me the view
that the Presidential Address should not be polemical.

Why do you ascribe to me a view I reject so explicitly and 
emphatically?  What I
said in my complaint is that a Presidential Address should 
be unifying rather than
contemptuous of a part of its audience.  You ascribe to me 
the view that a Presidential
Address should be unifying 'rather than polemical'.  Is it 
that you identify all criticism
with contempt?  Had you said and elaborated in your address 
your reason for your
criticism, and had you avoided your expressions and tone of 
contempt, you would have
had more success in executing your 'sociologically 
imperative' task, and you would have
then also won my applause.  Your quotation of my 
spontaneous response from the
floor to your calling the physics of the targets of your 
criticism 'antediluvian' or 'stone-age' is inexact.  It 
was, 'that goes a bit too far'.  I do not think you will 
deny that these
expressions are exaggerations which are usually taken to 
express contempt.  Your
reminding me that many of our colleagues who were present 
admire these people may
lead one to conclude that they felt slighted.  I do not 
think making them feel that way
is 'sociologically imperative' or commendable.  

The Freudian character of your analysis of my motive has 
its own irony, which you
have noted, your Address being a grand critique of Freud.  
To use this against you would
be ad hominem since I am more Freudian than you - but not 
in the same way: I assume
that your motives are honorable.  I would like to assume 
that of us all, but you ascribe
to me ill motives and no one is a competent judge of one's 
own motives.  So let my
motives be what they are; let my complaint stand as valid: 
your presidential address was
unnecessarily contemptuous.

You are right, though, observing that I have another 
complaint about another
insult of yours.  But that insult, prompted by my published 
report of Hempel's view of
Kuhn, was to me personally, and made in a private letter.  
Now that you mention it, it
will correct your statement.  That old letter of yours 
contained mere insult: no criticism
and, as far as I remember - I do not have your letter here 
with me - no challengedespite what you now say.  I do not 
claim authority for my report, which, anyway, was
extremely brief, but I do not see in it any cause for 
insult either.  In my reply to you I
was not evasive, despite what you say, but clear and to the 
point: I demand an apology. 
In your reply you offered a conditional apology.  This I 
could not accept.  Consequently,
as you accusingly observe, I do not seek your company.  
This is how things stand until
you properly apologize: we need not be enemies and I hope 
we remain on good terms,
but I prefer not to seek the company of people who insult 
me with no cause.

You tell me now, speaking as a witness, that my very brief 
report on Hempel's
view of Kuhn has distressed him.  This, despite what you 
say, is news to me.  Please
permit me to check this with Hempel, as is only proper, and 
attempt to make proper
amends as his response might invite.  It may turn out that 
I was in error about him; it
may turn out that though not in error I unnecessarily 
caused him pain.  I am unlucky in
this respect.  My old review of {\em Minnesota Studies}, 
Volume II, by which I still stand, has
caused Feigl much pain, and he bitterly complained to 
Popper about it.  For years I tried
to do all I could to mitigate, yet he demanded no less than 
that I change my views on
the value of his own contribution to philosophy.  My highly 
respectful review of
{\em Objective Knowledge} of my beloved teacher Karl Popper 
led to worse results, and he
meets all my offers of reconciliation with disdain.  Still, 
one has to try.  Also I hope to
have more success with Hempel (if I did hurt him).  My 
image of Hempel is different: 
I think he is more philosophical that Feigl and Popper.  
Your refusal to forgive me for
him, even your explanation of his distress as caused by my 
report on his view being
'very unfair and sloppy', do not tally with my picture of 
him as a person with a highly
philosophically temperament.  I do hope you permit me to 
check this with him.

Your comments about my person and about my history are not 
relevant to my
complaint, since motives are not relevant to validity.  But 
I do not wish to endorse your
statement about my notoriety, nor to discuss your share in 
the making of my public
image, such as it is.  Allow me to confess, in all 
humility, that I have no memory of even
having met you in Bloomington nor of having been 
'gratuitously wounding' or 'personally
derisive or abusive' there.  We all fail to live up to our 
own standards, and so I will not
deny your charges; I regret that having no details I must 
suspend judgement.  I only hope
you permit me, as long as we are at it, to say that I read 
the statement you quote me
as having made to you in Indiana in passing conversation as 
something else: I always try
to train my students not to take criticism as wounding, 
following Popper's teaching that
criticism is an expression of respect not to waste on 
unworthy targets.  This is,
incidently, why I said to Professor Barcan Marcus that her 
mention of the regrettable
absence of contemporary criticism of {\em Mein Kampf} opens 
an avenue to much discussion. 
You refer to my response to her on this as a 'well 
controlled, but philistine indignation'. 
It serves me right.  I should have written her a longish 
letter explaining why I think
standards of criticism in national politics differ from 
standards of criticism within a
voluntary association, especially a learned society, and 
perhaps add a reference to Hume
and Smith and their observation that one cannot easily 
leave one's own country so that
politics is not purely voluntary.  

In addition to calling me a philistine who turns your 
stomach, you call me a
hypocrite and declare my complaint about your misconduct an 
ill-willed sanctimonious
personal vendetta.  I will not reciprocate and say my 
alleged insulting conduct is no
excuse for yours, and yours, but not mine, is a matter of 
the official record of the APA. 
Your gracious readiness to forgive me most, but not all of 
my wickedness, however,
prompts me to say we are engaged in a correspondence on a 
public matter concerning
the public interest, between the President and a member of 
a learned society, albeit on
a first name basis.  I greatly appreciate your good will 
and expressed readiness to be
completely candid with me (despite your view of me as so 
very wicked) and since your
abusive epithets are parts of your expressed effort to 
reach me, I accept your letter ofApril 28, 1983, as it 
stands, appreciate the effort, wish to assure you both 
personally
and formally that you have indeed reached me, reject as 
uncalled for both your readiness
to forgive me one thing and your refusal to forgive me 
another, stand on my old personal
demand for an apology, stand on my public formal complaint 
to the APA, request your
permission to write Hempel on the matter you have now 
raised, and salute you across
the ocean,


\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Sincerely,

Joe


bc:Ruth Marcus
   Philip Quinn
   Robert S. Cohen
</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}


\subsubsection{Agassi to Gr\"{u}nbaum: October 30th 1985}

\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Professor Adolf Gr&uuml;nbaum Chairman   October 30, 1985
Center for Philosophy of Science,
2510 Cathedral of Learning,
University of Pittsburgh,
Pittsburgh Pa. 15260/USA

Dear Adolf:
</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}



Many thanks for your having sent me the Fall 1985 {\em Free 
Inquiry }issue with four
reviews of your book.  I am particularly grateful as I 
would not have come across it
otherwise.  And I will not conceal the fact that the 
mounting force of evidence tends to
sway me to concede:  I had hoped that the standard of 
scholarship reflected in your
book is not representative of the best that individuals 
concerned with the issue can
exhibit; and I confess that my faith is severely tested and 
I am now willing to admit that
you fare no worse than some of the other best known writers 
in the field.  For example,
I had thought Frank Solloway a competent and candid writer 
until I met his boast "I have
actually read the book several times" coupled with his 
statement that "all of Gr\"{u}nbaum's
sentences ...make... perfect sense in context".  If I were 
to cross examine him under
oath and ask him for the perfect sense of your sentences 
concerning neo-Baconianism,
I do not think he would stick to his guns.  In other words, 
I am pained to find him so
pompously sloppy.  

Since Michael Ruse confesses Popper constitutes a grave 
moral danger, and does
not say why, I cannot but treat him as a clown - especially 
since he is the one who used
Popper in court to defend Darwinist dogmatic indoctrination 
against creationist
obscurantist mind-bending.  Also, his claim that Whewellian 
consilience of induction is
the same as what you, Adolf, consider inductive consilience 
in Freud, is pushing an
already tenuous, but still commonsensically permissible, 
analogy beyond its breaking
point.  I despair, anyway.  

I am sympathetic to Eysenck, since he finds in your book 
the belated vindication
of his 1952 work.  If this does not "{\em convince}" you 
that this somewhat tallies with
Popper's censure, I do not know what will.  I am touched by 
the gentleness of Eysenck's
wording of his criticism of your views.  Since he himself 
is no stranger to the
sledgehammer, there is an obvious irony in his comments on 
your alleged over-use of
this proverbial instrument; except that in my opinion you 
flex your muscle to lift but a
rubber sledgehammer, need I say.  Until you spell out your 
neo-Baconianism, your
performance is, and will remain, a mere sleight of hand.  
Do you really need it?  

As to Nisbeth, he declares his hand when he writes in 
pseudo-logical shorthand
a redundant formula which I, for one, could not read (on 
lines 5 and 4 from bottom in
his first column).  He also misrepresents you in the 
paragraph covering the bottom of his
first column and the top of the second.  He does so while 
praising you.  Do you like
misrepresentation coupled with praise better than a 
presentation coupled with dissent?
Nisbeth says that post-Darwin research proves that 
organisms which cannot adapt die. 
Even in my undergraduate courses students are not allowed 
to talk on this low
intellectual level.  

Dear Adolf, I do not know if I can reach you.  Our 
profession needs an exemplary
conduct, and preferably from an acknowledged leader - like 
you.  I appeal to you. 
Concede publicly the fault of your book:  admit that you 
have yet to explain what neo-Baconianism is, that you have 
not as yet adequately expounded this doctrine, and that
since the label of neo-Baconianism is yours, you have to do 
so as soon as you can.  You
also have to admit that your counter-examples to Popper are 
not valid repeatable
observations which contradict Freudian theories - that a 
change of mind is not the same
as the admission of refuting repeatable experience.  This 
will really do a tremendous
good to the commonwealth of learning (and to your 
reputation too, but you really do not
need it - your reputation is high and secure enough and I 
hope you and yours enjoy it to
the full).  

\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Yours sincerely,


Joe
</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}


\subsubsection{Agassi to Gr\"{u}nbaum: November 26th 1985}

\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Professor Adolf Gr&uuml;nbaum Chairman   November 26, 1985
Center for Philosophy of Science,
2510 Cathedral of Learning,
University of Pittsburgh,
Pittsburgh Pa. 15260/USA

Dear Adolf:
</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}

Thank you very much for yours of the 15th and the enclosed 
review of your book
by Allan Hobson.  You once more draw attention to the 
warmth of the reception of your
book from different quarters.  I am glad for you.  I am 
impressed.  I have no personal
objections to join the chorus of its admirers; I have, 
however, some rational objections,
and will be glad if you could dispel them.  To that end 
please allow me to comment in
detail on your letter.

Yes, everyone knows what the methods of controlled studies 
are that are used to
test casual hypotheses, as you say in your opening sentence 
of that letter.  Everybody
knows what a test is, too.  Everybody, likewise, knows what 
control is.  Yet
philosophers write lengthy studies to explain them, and 
then they disagree with each
other, from which fact it is hard not to conclude that not 
everybody sufficiently knows
these things.  For example,  you yourself wrote something 
regarding controlled
experiments, with which I happen to disagree - but I will 
not take this up here-and-now,
since in your book on Freud you say nothing about it.  
Rather, let me ask you, please:
do you agree that proper tests are attempts to refute?  

If you say no, then I say, you do not sufficiently know 
what is a test and, a
fortiori, you do not sufficiently know what are the methods 
of controlled studies that are
used to test causal hypotheses.  If you say yes,  however, 
then I would say that youdisplay a lack of modicum of good 
will [forgive my using your idiom while not following
your style of underlining words] towards Karl Popper.

You say of Bacon and of Mill that they pioneered the modern 
methods of
controlled inquiry for testing casual hypotheses.  This 
makes me wonder whether we
mean the same thing.  Quite apart from Bacon's explicit 
opposition to the method
(proposed by Leonardo, incidently) of varying the 
circumstances of an experiment, quite
apart from the fact that Mill was echoing Herschel who was 
much more explicit on
causality in this context, to think of Mill as a forerunner 
of any serious proponent of any
theory of testing may be to indicate a view of testing that 
I would like to see expounded
in some detail before I comment further.  

So, with all the good will and all the imagination I can 
amass, I do not know what
you mean by the label of neo-Baconianism.  More 
importantly, I conducted a market
study and found that some of your admirers who sing the 
praises of your book do not
know either.  I mentioned one of them in a previous letter; 
I now report a repeat
observation:  I found no reader of your book who would say 
they know what this
expression means, when I asked them point blank.  You owe 
it to some of your readers,
therefore, to explain your terminology.  I am amazed that 
you should appeal to good will
as a substitute for performing a task that is obviously 
yours to execute as best you can.

You say, to move to your second paragraph, that my 
depiction of your critique of
Popper is a travesty.  I say your depiction on Popper is a 
travesty.  You say you have
popular acclaim on your side and it supports your claim, 
and you yourself also say
Popper has popular acclaim on his side and you consider it 
to be an epidemic.  I can and
do explain this popular acclaim he and you have gained in a 
friendlier way than you do. 


Still, this is not to deny that I have misread you:  one 
does not act, says Bacon,
as one's own witness, judge and jury.  And he was just 
lovely when he said that.  And
so I am glad to learn that you have written for {\em 
Behavioral and Brain Sciences} sixty
typeset pages of a reply to Popper: it is needed. I do hope 
that in this reply you take the
medicine you prescribe me and show Popper a modicum of good 
will.  If you do, then
I request a copy at your convenience, and promise to read 
it with good will and, if it is
not too late, I will alter my review as necessary as a 
result of being corrected.  Many
thanks in advance.  

I worked very hard trying to understand your book.  
Possibly I have travestied it,
and when corrected I will gladly admit error.  As even your 
admirers censure you for
being so hard to comprehend, I cannot see you avoiding some 
responsibility for my
difficulties, though you may plead mitigating 
circumstances, of course.

I make the same conjecture concerning your contribution to 
{\em Free Inquiry}, which
you now also mention, and any other contribution you may 
make.  If your contribution
does show good will to Popper, then I do request a copy of 
it as well.  Many thanks in
advance.

Moving to your third paragraph, I am happy for you that you 
claim to have made
a contribution in your critique of Freud's use of free 
association as supporting his causal
hypotheses and that you are gratified by public recognition 
of your claim.  Do forgive my
not joining this recognition: I do not know what is support 
and what is causal, unless
you mean by support failed refutations and by the causal 
the deductive nomological.  If
you do, then I say Freud had no deductive nomological 
hypotheses to attempt to refute
and no attempts to refute.  And so I do not know what is 
the subject matter of Freud's
contention that you criticize and claim to have made a 
contribution thereby.  If you mean
by support something else, I wish you would tell your 
readers what it means; and the
same goes for the causal.  

We now come to the crowning paragraph of your last letter.  
You find my
obsessive need to put down your book and my aggressiveness 
hard to understandexcept psychologically.  And your 
psychological explanation, that I am obsessive and
aggressive because I could not respond to a challenge of 
yours, may indeed be true. 
You are a professor of psychiatry and I cannot say much in 
defense of my obsession and
aggression except by piling up more of the same.  Moreover, 
your diagnosis and your
etiology are both backed  by the fact that they echo the 
diagnosis and etiology I received
from Karl Popper.  Yet I feel a bit squeezed that the same 
diagnosis and etiology is
offered when I attack Popper, and also when I attack you 
for having no good will
towards Popper.  Woe to me.  Also, may I ask, what was your 
challenge to me?  I
remember none.  You have once told me, and now you repeat 
yourself, that you have
challenged what I wrote about Hempel.  So let me repeat my 
denial and my correction. 
You once censured me - not challenged, but censured - for 
my having ascribed to
Hempel a certain criticism of Kuhn.  In response, I told 
you that this was my near
quotation, a mere paraphrase at most, of an observation I 
heard Hempel make in Tel-Aviv.  And I added that even if I 
was in error, this gave you the right to dissent and to
criticize, not to censure.  You responded with a 
conditional apology which I could not
accept.  I still await your apology.  Whether it comes or 
not I cannot say, but that you
have challenged me is not the case.  I challenge you.  

Ah, now you add my formal complaint against your 
Presidential Address to my list
of sins.  Your use of the epithets "antediluvian" and 
"stone-age" in your Presidential
Address was an exaggeration and out of place there (I do 
not object to your use of them
in the book).  I know you agree with me, and regret you did 
not express your agreement
in time for me to withdraw my complaint.  Now my complaint 
is on record and I do not
know what we can do about it.  To say, as you now do, that 
here I exhibited a lack of
a modicum of good will towards a colleague, may be to say 
the truth, but to remember
that the colleague was calling other colleagues names in a 
Presidential Address is not to
say that I am the only one exhibiting this defect.


\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Very truly yours,



Joe


</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}





P.S. Thanks for the remark on M.  We all wish him a 
successful operation and good
health.



P.P.S.  Allow me to make one comment on Allan Hobson's 
review in {\em The Sciences},
Nov/Dec 1985, which you have kindly sent me.  It is clear 
that this review is a travesty
on your book, since its peak point.  Its final paragraph, 
concerns your alleged "award of
tentative scientific status to psychoanalysis".  I ask you 
again, do you prefer a friendly
misreading to a not-friendly but proper reading?  



{\em Final Postscript}  Thanks for your additional note and 
the Eysenck review. Yes, this does
convince me, with ease, that Eysenck's position is 
different from Popper's.  You are right
about that.  Also, may I add my position is.  And I even 
agree with Eysenck that some
superstitions are empirically refutable and refuted and 
hence that Popper is in error
though my concept of refutation is of the Whewell-Popper 
style and so much more
stringent that Eysenck's.  But this matters little.  I 
think Eysenck does not say what is
Bacon's criterion of scientificity, to use your idiom, yet 
he writes, at the end of his third
paragraph, as if he does.  I have no quarrel with him, but 
cannot accept his review as
an exoneration of you or as a release of you from my 
challenge to you to do your duty
and explain what you mean by neo-Baconianism.  I confess I 
was favorably impressed
both by his concise summary of your five points and by his 
praise of your book.  I was
even more impressed by his ascription to Freud of a 
"careful argument" (second line afterpoint 5) which, he 
says, he cannot summarize.  It may be that here my puzzle 
is solved: 
if you convince even Eysenck that Freud argued carefully, 
than you have quite a forceful
pen:  "an intellectual delight to read" he calls your book, 
which is more than some of
your ardent supporters will claim!  Since Eysenck refers to 
Farrell, I wonder why he does
not say Farrell already spoke of Freud's (alleged) 
refutation of his own catharsis theory,
especially since he says of him merely that he has failed.  
Ah, well.

I hope you respond to my present letter even though I know 
how busy you are. 
I enclose another copy - still further corrected - of my 
review of your book to show you
how friendly to you my final ending is.  


\subsubsection{Gr\"{u}nbaum replies}

{\bf JOSEPH AGASSI'S REBUTTAL TO MY CRITIQUE OF POPPER}

\begin{rawhtml}
<PRE>
Adolf Gr&uuml;nbaum 
 (California Institute of Technology 
  and University of Pittsburgh)

                                       February 1, 1990

Dear Professor Eidlin:

</PRE>
\end{rawhtml}





I appreciate your invitation to publish the letters I wrote 
to Joseph Agassi, when
he suggested to me that I reply to an essay of his 
occasioned by the appearance of my
1984 book {\em The Foundations of Psychoanalysis:  A 
Philosophic Critique}.  The burden of
his desultory, rambling essay was that my book had 
contained nothing new.  Yet the
book had quickly provoked a large literature from writers 
representing the entire
spectrum of views on psychoanalysis.  When Agassi's essay 
was rejected for publication
by the journals to which he had submitted it, he decided to 
publish it in a volume of his
own articles.  Then he offered me the opportunity to reply 
in that same volume.  

But I found his diatribe to be undisciplined, woefully 
undocumented and even
personal.  Thus, I saw no point in writing a retort and 
declined his offer.  Since he
persisted in pestering me to change my mind, it took 
several letters to convince him that
I meant it.  Hence my letters to him were not intended to 
respond substantively to his
claims, and I did not even keep copies of them.  By the 
same token, I do not think that
their publication would materially advance the discussion 
of the issues, and therefore I
won't avail myself of your otherwise welcome offer to make 
them public. 

But I am concerned that our readers be aware of published 
work, ranging from
1976 through 1989, in which I have challenged in detail 
Popper's falsificationist
conception of scientific rationality.  It behooves me to 
outline their contents briefly with
special attention to psychoanalysis, if only because I am 
satisfied to let them serve
indirectly as my answer to Agassi.  

Throughout his career, Popper has championed two cardinal 
theses concerning the
psychoanalytic enterprise:  1) Logically, Freudian theory 
is irrefutable by any human
behaviour, and 2) In the face of seemingly adverse 
evidence, psychoanalysts always
dodged refutation by resorting to immunizing maneuvers.  
But if Popper were right in
asserting that "Freud's theory...simply does not have 
potential falsifiers," why would it
be necessary for Freudians to neutralize refutations by 
means of immunizing gambits? 
Popper's 1) and 2) seem incoherent.  Conversely, 2) might 
be true even though 1) is
false:  After all, a theory may well be  invalidated by 
known evidence, even as its true
believers refuse to acknowledge this refutation.  Besides, 
the failure of 2) to warrant 1)
also emerges from Popper's own doctrine that theories, on 
the one hand, and the
methodological conduct of their protagonists, on the other, 
"belong to {\em two entirely
different 'worlds'}."  Yet, he had offered psychoanalytic 
theory as the gravamen and
benchmark of his case for the purported superiority of his 
own falsifiability criterion of
demarcation over the received inductivist one.  

In chapters 1 (B) and 11 of my {\em Foundations}, I had 
taken issue with both of
Popper's principal tenets on psychoanalysis, although I had 
been more concerned with
the first.  As against his claim of superiority for his 
criterion of demarcation, I had argued
for the following contention ({\em Foundations}, p. 280):



%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
It is ironic that Popper should have pointed to 
psychoanalytic
theory as a prime illustration of his thesis that 
inductively
countenanced confirmations can easily be found for nearly
every theory, if we look for them... {\em it is precisely 
Freud's
theory that furnished poignant evidence that Popper 
hascaricatured the inductivist tradition by his thesis of 
easy
inductive confirmability of nearly every theory}!  %
}%
%
}%




Within a few weeks after the appearance of my book, {\em 
The New York Times} of
January 15, 1985 carried a lengthy news article on it by 
Daniel Goleman in its {\em Science}
section.  It included excerpts from my answers to questions 
about my judgement of
Popper's account of psychoanalysis, which Goleman had put 
to me in an interview for
his article.  

Popper had not read my book.  But when Goleman telemetered 
these excerpts to
him, Popper gave him his written reaction to them under the 
title "Predicting overt
behaviour versus predicting hidden states."  By consent of 
Popper, Goleman and myself,
the editor of the journal {\em Behavioral and Brain 
Sciences} (hereafter "BBS") published that
response as one of nearly 40 commentaries on {\em 
Foundations} in a review symposium (BBS
vol.9, No. 2, June 1986).  This symposium consists of (i) 
my chapter-by-chapter Pr\'{e}cis
of the book (pp. 217-228), (ii) 39 commentaries by as many 
authors, who include Frank
Cioffi (pp. 228-266), and (iii) my "Author's Response" to 
all of them (pp. 266-281).  In
sections entitled "The falsifiability of psychoanalysis" 
(pp. 266-269), and "Experimental
and 'quantitative' studies of psychoanalysis" (pp.269-270), 
I gave my reply to Popper's
commentary.  

Chapter II of his 1983 Postscript volume {\em Realism and 
the Aim of Science} is
devoted to "Demarcation".  It contains his first 
"published...detailed analysis of Freud's
method of dealing with falsifying instances and critical 
suggestions" (p.164, n.1).  But
this {\em Postscript} volume had not yet been available to 
me, when I was completing the
writing of {\em Foundations}.  And my BBS "Author's 
Response" had to deal with his BBS
commentary, not with his {\em Postscript}.  

However, the 1989 appearance of a {\em Festschrift} for 
John Watkins, entitled
{\em Freedom and Rationality} (ed. by D'Agostino and I.C. 
Jarvie), afforded me the opportunity
of publishing a detailed critical scrutiny of Popper's {\em 
Postscript} chapter II, which I had
presented in one of my 1985 Gifford Lectures at the 
Scottish University of St. Andrews. 
Entitled "The Degeneration of Popper's Theory of 
Demarcation," my contribution argues
that Popper's most detailed account of psychoanalysis is 
multiply untenable.  Besides,
I exposed two other flaws that are unrelated to Freudian 
theory.  

One looks in vain in Agassi's diatribe for a responsible 
attempt to come to grips
with the painstaking arguments I offered against Popper's 
falsificationist philosophy of
science in four interconnected papers that appeared in 
1976:  One of them was
published in {\em Essays in Memory of Imre Lakatos} (vol. 
39 of the Boston Studies in the
Philosophy of Science), and the other three appeared 
respectively in the March, June and
December issues of vol. 27 of the {\em British Journal for 
the Philosophy of Science}.  

Finally, it behooves me to supply some motivational context 
for the letters that
Agassi wrote to me.  My previously tenuous but untroubled 
personal contact with him
went sour, when I chided him for publishing an altogether 
undocumented, irresponsible
misrepresentation of the views that Carl Hempel had 
expressed - as part of a lecture
attended by Agassi - concerning Thomas Kuhn's ideas.  Agassi 
demanded that I retract
my reproach to him with an apology.  But I stood firm and 
challenged him to supply the
missing documentation.   As I knew from Professor Hempel, 
such documentation did not
exist.  And Hempel told Agassi so.  

Thereupon, Agassi saw fit to send a written request to the 
Executive Committee
of the American Philosophical Association. (Eastern 
Division), asking that I be formally
censured for some of the content of my 1982 Presidential 
Address to the Association
at its December meeting in Baltimore, MD. Ostensibly, his 
demand was prompted by his
claim that I had displayed shockingly poor academic manners 
during my Address, when
I characterized Habermas's and Gadamer's depictions of the 
natural sciences assmacking of stone-age physics.  The 
Executive Committee of the Eastern Division
of the APA then wrote to Agassi, informing him that it had 
considered his request for
censure, but had "decided to take no action."  

It would seem that his cumulative pique then inspired his 
lengthy attempt to
establish that my {\em Foundations} contains nothing new.  
Try as he may, there will be no
response from me beyond the present statement for your {\em 
Newsletter}.  
% [HPG]
\subsection{POPPER AND PERESTROYKA -
Marian Dobrosielski (Warsaw)}

%
\WPindent{%
{\bf Editor's Note:} Dr. Marian Dobrosielski is a retired 
Professor of Philosophy,
former Polish Ambassador to England, former Director of the 
Polish Institute
of Foreign Affairs and former Deputy Foreign Minister of 
Poland.  This note
was received before the collapse of the Communist regime in 
Poland.  %
}%




The views of Karl R. Popper, especially those on the 
philosophy of history and
politics, are practically unknown (except to some 
specialists in sociology and philosophy)
in the socialist countries.  Popper was very often and 
still is even now sometimes
criticized as an "enemy of socialism and marxism."  In my 
short remarks I shall
concentrate on the actual situation in Poland in this 
regard.  

Popper's philosophy of science, his {\em Logic of 
Scientific Discovery}, his quite well
known among Polish philosopher and students of philosophy.  
'Already during his Vienna
years, Popper, as is well-known, maintained good relations 
with Polish philosophers from
the Lviv-Warsaw school, first of all with Alfred Tarski, 
but also with Kazimierz
Ajdukiewicz, Maria Kokosz\'{y}nska and others.  The 
philosopher of this school, which in
many respects was close to logical positivism, have had an 
important impact on the
development of Polish philosophy after the Second World War 
and on many Polish
marxist philosophers.  

Popper's {\em Logic of Scientific Discovery} appeared in 
Polish in Poland in 1977; his
{\em Open Society and Its Enemies} and {\em Poverty of 
Historicism} in 1988.  There are several
dissertations on Popper's philosophy, articles and reviews, 
very often one-sided, of some
of his works.  In the libraries of universities one can 
find practically all Popper's works
and a lot of publications from all over the world about 
Popper.  Despite this, his
{\em authentic} views are practically unknown to the larger 
public and very often the criticism
shows (as in so many other countries East and West) only a 
superficial knowledge and
understanding, especially of his philosophy of history and 
politics.  Having thoroughly
studied Popper's main works, I reached the conclusion that 
his views concerning history
and politics are of tremendous topicality and importance 
for the discussions going on
now in Poland and other socialist countries concerning "new 
thinking," {\em Perestroika},
{\em glasnost}, democratization and humanization of the 
socialist systems.  

I decided, therefore, to write a series of essays 
presenting Popper's views
concerning the aforementioned topics.  These essays put 
together will, I hope, form a
consistent book.  My main aim is not to write an "academic" 
book, with hundreds of
footnotes, with attempts to show where Popper is right and 
where he is wrong, what
is original and what is borrowed from others in his 
thought, etc.  I try to show what is
new and valuable in his philosophy of history and politics, 
what is important for the
discussions and controversies in Poland and elsewhere on 
the "new political thinking and
acting," the openness, "glasnost" of our social life, its 
democratization and
humanization.  Despite the fact that I do not share some of 
Popper's political views, I
do not try to be polemical.  On the contrary, I try first 
of all to present his views in a
positive and objective, clear and simple way.  

The title of the series of essays and of an eventual book I 
borrowed from Popper:
"In Search of a Better World: Karl R. Popper's philosophy 
of history and politics."  The
title shows my main interest in the philosophy of Popper.  
I plan to write some 10 essays
under the following titles: 



\WPindent{%
1. Popper about himself and his philosophy (based mainly on 
his {\em Unended Quest}). 
%
}%


\WPindent{%
2. Popper's Apology of Rationalism (Critical Rationalism).  %
}%


\WPindent{%
3. On Popper's philosophy of science.  %
}%


\WPindent{%
4. The "3-Worlds theory" (Critical Realism).  %
}%


\WPindent{%
5. Dualism of facts and standards (Critical Dualism).  %
}%


\WPindent{%
6. "The poverty of historicism."  %
}%


\WPindent{%
7. "'Open' and 'closed' societies.  %
}%


\WPindent{%
8. False prophets: From Plato to Hegel.  %
}%


\WPindent{%
9. Popper's critique of Marx and marxism.  %
}%


\WPindent{%
10. The perception and reception of Popper's philosophy.  %
}%




Six of these essays are ready (Nos. 1,2,3,5,6 and 7) and 
will be published in the
Polish weekly, {\em Kultura}, the monthly {\em Nowe Drogi} 
(New Ways), organ of the Central
Committee of the Polish United Workers Party and other 
periodicals.  

May I add that I consider myself a marxist and have always 
considered Marx and
marxism (authentic marxism, not the dogmatic-stalinist one) 
to stand and fight for an
"open philosophy," for an "open social system," and against 
all forms of dogmatism and
irrationalism.  I agree to a very high degree with Fred 
Eidlin's articles, i.a. "Isn't Popper
the Best Marxist?" and "The Radical, Revolutionary Strain 
in Popper's Social and Political
Theory."  

Popper's criticism of marxism concerns what I would call 
the mechanistic,
historicist, dogmatic, stalinist marxism, but not the 
authentic, humanistic, democratic
marxism, which unfortunately has not been implemented until 
now anywhere.  

I think that Popper's criticism of the historicism of Marx 
is one-sided, and based
mostly on what Marx wrote in the Introduction to {\em Das 
Kapital}.  One can find in the
writings of Marx many instances where he comes out very 
strongly against different
historicist views.  But I do not intend to defend Marx.  He 
doesn't need it.  And no
serious, authentic marxist would try to say that all the 
views of Marx are topical today. 
Marx wasn't and didn't want to be a prophet.  He was a 
scholar, who has made
tremendous contributions to social sciences, but also has 
made great mistakes, as
almost all of his great contemporaries, scientists and 
philosophers.  

One more remark.  I don't think that Popper's views on the 
philosophy of science
and the philosophy of politics are fully consistent.  I 
have in mind his concept of
"piecemeal social engineering."  It does not follow from 
his philosophy of science, and
I think that the experience of human history proves him 
wrong.  "Piecemeal social
engineering" might be good in a developed democratic 
society, but such a society could
never have been developed without attempts to implement 
"utopian social engineering." 


I wonder what Popper thinks of {\em Perestroika}, {\em 
glasnost}, "new thinking," the
revolutionary, but rational and humanistic attempts to 
modernize and democratize all
spheres of life in the Soviet Union and the other socialist 
countries.  I think that these
attempts are not contrary to Popper's basic philosophical 
view, that they are neither
historicistic nor utopian.  If {\em Perestroika} 
succeeds - and I think it will - then Popper will
have to give up, or redefine his concepts of "utopian" and 
"piecemeal" social
engineering. 

\subsection{GEDANKEN ZUR PHILOSOPHIE KARL RAIMUND POPPERS
- Knut Goth}

% [Center]
{\bf Student, Sektion Philosophie, Universit\"{a}t Leipzig}
% [center]




%
\WPindent{%
{\bf Editor's note:} This note was received before the 
demise of the former
German Democratic Republic.  %
}%




"Heutzutage ist es durchaus n\"{o}tig, sich zu 
entschuldigen, wenn man sich mit
Philosophie in irgendeiner Form besch\"{a}ftigt.  
Vielleicht mit Ausnahme einiger Marxisten
scheinen die meisten Fachphilosophen die Verbindung mit der 
Wirklichkeit verloren zu
haben.  ... Nach meiner Auffassung ist der gr\"{o}{\ss}te 
Skandal der Philosophie, da{\ss}, w\"{a}hrend
um uns herum die Natur - und nicht nur sie - zugrundegeht, 
die Philosophen weiter
dar\"{u}ber reden - manchmal gescheit, manchmal nicht -, of 
diese Welt existiert.  Sie
treiben Scholastik..." (Popper, 1973: 44).  Gedanken dieser 
Art, haben mich - einen
Marxisten - dazu bewogen, die Philosophie Poppers genauer 
zu studieren.  Dies um so
mehr, da er ein erkl\"{a}rter Anti-Kommunist ist.  Da{\ss} 
solch ein "ideologischer Gegner" S\"{a}tze
schreibt, an deren Richtigkeit und Wichtigkeit ich keinen 
Zweifel hege, war f\"{u}r mich sehr
\"{u}berraschend.  Noch erstaunter allerdings war ich, nach 
dem vollst\"{a}ndigen Studium
einiger Arbeiten Poppers.  Obwohl mir bisher nat\"{u}rlich 
l\"{a}ngst nicht alle B\"{u}cher, Artikel,
Interviews etc. Poppers zug\"{a}nglich waren, erscheinen 
mir die Resultate der bereits
erfolgten Studien, zumindest pers\"{o}nlich, sehr wertvoll 
und interessant.  Die nachfolgende
kurze Darstellung einiger der wichtigsten Ergebnisse soll 
das belegen.  Eine umfassende
Begr\"{u}ndung dieser \"{U}berlegungen wird allerdings aus 
Platzgr\"{u}nden nicht m\"{o}glich sein.  



%
\WPindent{%
1.Die meisten Kritiken am erkenntnistheoretischen Ansatz 
Poppers gehen am Objekt
ihrer Kritik in den wichtigsten Punkten vorbei.  Das liegt 
(1) daran, da{\ss} mit
gleichen Worten verschiedene Bedeutungen verbunden werden 
und (2) an einer
ungen\"{u}genden Gesamtsicht von Poppers Erkenntnistheorie. 
 %
}%




%
\WPindent{%
2.Die Schwierigkeiten, die sich aus der unterschiedlichen 
Verwendung von gleichen
Worten ergeben, treten dort am deutlichsten hervor, wo von 
Falsifikation und
Verifikation die Rede ist.  Falsifizierbarkeit ist f\"{u}r 
Popper eine rein logische
Eigenschaft von Aussagen, die sie besitzen sollen, um als 
wissenschaftlich zu
gelten.  Das bedeutet, da{\ss} die Falsifikation einer 
Aussage f\"{u}r Popper immer
logischer und nie empirischer Natur ist.  Auf letzteres 
aber zielt die Kritik, wenn
behauptet wird, da{\ss} jede Falsifikation einer Aussage 
eine Verifikation einer
anderen Aussage voraussetzt.  D.h. jedoch, da{\ss} man von 
verschiedenen Dingen
und somit aneinander vorbei redet.  Die Verifikation einer 
Aussage ist nach Popper
unm\"{o}glich, da der Bereich der m\"{o}glichen Erfahrung 
niemals als abgeschlossen
gelten kann (d.h. der Individuenbereich, \"{u}ber den sich 
eine Behauptung erstrecken
soll, ist prinzipiell unendlich).  %
}%




%
\WPindent{%
3.Der Grund f\"{u}r die Mi{\ss}verst\"{a}ndnisse 
hinsichtlich der Falsifikationsidee ist die
verschiedenartige Fassung des Verh\"{a}ltnisses von Theorie 
und Erfahrung.  F\"{u}r
Popper sind Theorie und Erfahrung keine korrelativen 
Begriffe.  Jede Aussage ist
theoretisch.  Einen Theoriebegriff im Sinne einer besonders 
ausgezeichneten Art
von Wissen gibt es bei Popper nicht.  Erfahrung f\"{a}llt 
in den Bereich der
psychischen Erlebnisse, d.i. "Welt 2".  Als Korrelat zu 
Theorie fungiert bei Popper
Praxis.  Praxis wird dabei (im weitesten Sinne) als 
Anwendung von Wissen
(welches immer theoretisch ist) verstanden.  Die 
Argumentation, da{\ss} Poppers
Erfahrungsbegriff auf sinnliche Wahrnehmung und damit auf 
das Individuumbeschr\"{a}nkt ist und  so die prinzipiellen 
Voraussetzungen jedes Empirismus teilt, ist
ungerechtfertigt.  Popper l\"{o}st die Probleme, die sich 
aus seinem "empiristischen"
Erfahrungsbegriff ergeben durch die Annahme, da{\ss} es so 
etwas wie eine "Welt
der objektiven Gedankeninhalte" ("Welt 3") gibt, in der 
sich die Gattungserfahrung
speichert.  Subjekt dieser Erfahrung ist nicht das 
vereinzelte Individuum, sondern
die Menschheit.%
}%




\WPindent{%
4.Nach der Ansicht Poppers geht jeder Erfahrung etwas 
Theoretisches voraus. 
Erfahrung, Wahrnehmung etc. ist somit immer 
"theoriebeladen".  Neues Wissen
entsteht nicht durch einen Schlu{\ss} aus der Erfahrung, 
sondern entspringt einer
"k\"{u}hnen Idee", einer "unbegr\"{u}ndeten Antizipation" 
o.\"{a}. (Induktionsproblem).  Der
Gefahr eines unendlichen Regresses entgeht Popper durch die 
Setzung eines
"genetischen Apriori", das sowohl am Beginn der Entwicklung 
der Menschheit als
Gattung stand als auch am Beginn der Entwicklung jedes 
einzelnen steht.%
}%




\WPindent{%
5.Theorien, die in Poppers Sinn als falsifiziert gelten, 
werden nicht einfach aus der
Wissenschaft eliminiert sondern (dialektisch) aufgehoben.  
Waren sie vor ihrer
Falsifikation anwendbar, so k\"{o}nnen sie auch weiterhin 
angewendet werden.  Nur
ihr Geltungsbereich ist nun eingeschr\"{a}nkt.%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
6.Das Wort "Wahrheit" verwendet Popper immer im Sinne von 
"absoluter
Wahrheit".  Mit "Bew\"{a}hrung" und "Bew\"{a}hrungsgrad von 
Theorien" beschreibt er
das, was mit der Dialektik von relativer und absoluter 
Wahrheit erfa{\ss}t wird. 
Insofern Wahrheit immer absolute Wahrheit ist, existiert in 
Poppers
Erkenntnistheorie auch kein Wahrheitskriterium.  Wahrheit 
ist lediglich "regulatives
Prinzip" allen Erkennens, ein Idealbegriff.%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
7.Wissen ist nach Popper immer Vermutungswissen.  Das ist 
aber nicht
gleichbedeutend damit, da{\ss} Popper alle Erkenntnis auf 
das Niveau der Vermutung
{\bf einebnet}, sondern nur eine {\bf Konstatierung} eben 
dieses Charakters allen Wissens. 
Dies folgt aus Poppers Annahme, da{\ss} Fakt und Aussage 
\"{u}ber diesen Fakt
grundverschieden voneinander sind.  S\"{a}tze k\"{o}nnen 
nur durch S\"{a}tze, niemals durch
Erfahrung, Tatsachen etc. begr\"{u}ndet werden.  Insofern 
besteht eine logisch
un\"{u}berwindbare Kluft zwischen Theorie und Praxis.  
Diese Kluft wird theoretisch
dadurch "\"{u}berwunden", da{\ss} man festsetzt, wann eine 
Aussage als
Tatsachenaussage gilt.  In diesem Sinne ist Popper 
Konventionalist.  Die
"Tatsachenaussage" mu{\ss} dabei so formuliert sein, 
da{\ss} sie nachpr\"{u}fbar bleibt.  Sie
gilt - wie jeder andere Satz - nicht als gesichertes Wissen 
sondern nur als
Vermutung.  (Deshalb besitzt die logische Falsifikation 
einer Theorie auch keinen
endg\"{u}ltigen Charakter, denn der Individuenbereich, 
f\"{u}r den eine Theorie gelten
soll, kann sich ver\"{a}ndern.)%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
8.Aus der konsequenten Trennung von Theorie und Praxis 
ergeben sich die
wichtigsten Ansatzpunkte daf\"{u}r, Poppers Gedanken 
weitergehend fruchtbar zu
machen.  Dies ganz im Sinne von Poppers Hauptanliegen: die 
immer gegebene
M\"{o}glichkeit des Irrtums systematisch in Rechnung zu 
stellen, um so eventuellen
Fehlern zu entgehen bzw. deren praktische Konsequenzen zu 
mildern.  Es w\"{a}re zu
untersuchen, welche "rein" theoretischen Mittel es gibt, 
Fehler zu erkennen, ohne
sie zu begehen und welche sozialen Voraussetzungen gegeben 
sein m\"{u}{\ss}ten, um
zu vermeiden, da{\ss} irgendein Wissen zu einem wie immer 
gearteten Dogma
erstarrt.  {\bf %
}%
% [HPG]
}

\subsection{CRITICAL RATIONALISM AND CRITICAL THEORY -
 Jeremy Shearmur}

William Fusfield's interesting essay "Mein 
Mi{\ss}verst\"{a}ndnis mit Miscevic"
({\em Newsletter}, volume 3, Numbers 3 and 4) prompts me to 
write with a rather different
suggestion as to how critical rationalism might learn from 
critical theory:  in the realm
of ideas.  For it seems to me that while there is much in 
Habermas and especially in the
older critical theory that stands in need of criticism, 
there are two respects in which
Habermas has done something from which critical rationalism 
itself should learn.  What
it should learn, however, is to develop something that is 
already implicit within its own
intellectual resources.



\subsubsection{1. Intersubjectivity and ethics}



My first point concerns ethics, and Habermas's ideas about 
the discursive
redeemability of ethical claims.  Here, it seems to me, 
critical rationalism can improve
over Popper's own explicit formulations in the text of {\em 
The Open Society}, by applying to
ethical claims the very theory of intersubjective 
testability that Popper developed, with
reference to Kant, in his {\em Logic of Scientific 
Discovery}.%
\footnote{%
 See, on this, my "Epistemological Limits of the State", an 
unpublished paper which
extends an argument developed in part of my "Popper and 
Liberalism", which was delivered at
the First Annual Conference on the Philosophy of Karl 
Popper in Manchester, 1984.%
}%
  Popper's own account of ethics
in the text - as opposed to the Addendum - to {\em The Open 
Society}, while admirable in its
(Kantian) stress on the autonomy of ethics from command, 
brute facts, or supposed
tendencies immanent within history, is unclear as to how an 
individual's ethical
judgments are constrained - if they are constrained by 
anything at all.  If we introduce,
as I would suggest, a closer parallel with the idea of 
inter-subjective assessment as it
occurs within Popper's epistemology, several advantages 
follow.  We avoid any
appearance of subjectivism in ethics, and we show how it is 
that ethical claims are
fallible.  In addition, we may clarify an aspect of 
Popper's political thought.  For there,
Popper appeals to the idea that a broadly negative 
utilitarian agenda for politics may be
generated through intersubjective agreement, while 
suggesting that other issues - such
as the pursuit of positive visions of the good life - must 
be undertaken by voluntary
means.  He also works with a conception of the criticism of 
policy proposals by citizens
which, similarly, seems to assume a procedure of 
intersubjective agreement like that
which we find in Popper's epistemology, but which we do 
not, in fact, find in Popper's
explicit writings about ethics in the text of {\em The Open 
Society}.%
\footnote{%
 If the parallels that Popper draws between ethics and the 
search for truth in his Addendum
to {\em The Open Society}, "Facts, Standards and Truth" 
were pursued, however, I suggest that they
could lead us towards the ideas developed in my text.%
}%


In addition, this approach provides us with a rationale for 
treating individuals as
something like ends in themselves - because their judgments 
are the means through
which {\em any} ethical claim is to be assessed; and their 
autonomy plays a vital role in this
context.

Such an approach may thus draw - from Popper's work - a 
theory of who should
be accorded such respect, and why.  In addition, it would 
allow - through what might
be seen as an updating of the moral sense theory of 
Hutcheson and Adam Smith into a{\em fallibilistic} form of 
ethical intuitionism%
\footnote{%
 See, on this, my "From Brother Sense to Brother Man:  Adam 
Smith's {\em Theory of Moral
Sentiments} as Epistemology", delivered at the American 
Philosophical Association, New York,
1987.  And just as - in Hutcheson's work - what our moral 
sense led us to agree upon could,
independently, be discovered to have a broadly utilitarian 
character, so, I would suggest, the
kinds of things that Popper suggested should form the 
agenda of politics (the relief of avoidable
suffering, injustice) might, indeed, be things concerning 
which we can achieve a consensus, or
which may be legitimated by decision-making processes upon 
the desirability of which we can
achieve a consensus.%
}%
 - an alternative path to something like a Kantian
ethic.  One difference from Kant, however, would be that 
the content of ethics would
be supplied not by pure reason, but by what results when 
ethical claims, made by
individuals, pass through the filter of inter-subjective 
assessment.  Another would be
that universality would also have a rather different 
character.  For rather than its having
simply to be asserted as a purely formal property of 
ethical claims, it would come
through the acceptability, in principle, of substantive 
ethical claims, and moral principles,
to all moral agents - i.e. those who can engage in critical 
argument about them.  And
autonomy - another major concern of Kant's - would come 
through our recognition of
the importance of the protection of the autonomy of 
individuals to make ethical
judgments - because these, as mentioned above, would be the 
means through which any
substantive ethical claim would be assessed.

If we adopt such an approach, more consequences follow than 
can be explored
in a brief note such as this.  But one point that is, 
perhaps, worth spelling out explicitly
is that, within it, individuals may have rights both as 
participants in, and as the objects
of reasoned consensus within, ethical argument.  Who counts 
as the former is,
essentially, an empirical matter.  (This suggests a further 
improvement over Kant, for
whom, as far as I can see, there is no way in which we can 
identify who a moral agent
is, as everything, as it presents itself to us, is on a par 
in being explicable in purely
causal terms, and Kant offers no empirical criterion as to 
the conditions under which we
should introduce a teleological form of understanding, as 
an Idea of reason).  However,
there is good reason to suppose that the realm of moral 
agents - in the sense of those
capable of participation in ethical argument - is not 
co-extensive with the human species. 
For those apes capable of communication - however imperfect 
- in American Sign
Language would seem clearly to have showed the capacity for 
participation in such
discussions, at least at the level of the descriptive if 
not the argumentative functions of
language.  While the foetus, the very severely disabled, 
and, say, those in the most
advanced states of senile dementia, do not possess such a 
capacity.

I do not wish to claim that there are not important 
disanalogies between
judgement and argument in ethics and in science, some of 
which I have discussed
elsewhere.%
\footnote{%
 See my "Epistemological Limits of the State", and also my 
"From Dialogue Rights to
Property Rights", delivered at the American Political 
Studies Association, 1987; and my
"Dialogue Rights and Property Rights", delivered at the 
British Political Studies Association,
1988.%
}%
  But I do claim that there are greater parallels than 
critical rationalists seem
customarily to admit of, and that these parallels are 
suggestive, and would prove a
fruitful area for investigation by critical rationalists.



\subsubsection{2.Epistemology and Social Criticism}



The role, in Popper's work, of intersubjective assessment 
of empirical claims -
which, if my suggestions above are accepted - may also be 
extended to the ethical, also
suggests a further line for the development of critical 
rationalism which would take it
into areas that are currently occupied by Habermas and his 
followers.

For intersubjective consensual assessment (which, of 
course, is typically
something to which we will aspire, rather than actually 
reach) will only play its
appropriate epistemological role if it is reached {\em 
freely}.  Someone in the subway cannot
claim that I expressed consensual agreement to some claim 
of his (to the effect that he
should have my wallet), when he had a knife pressed into my 
ribs at the time.  And we
cannot claim, say, that some proposal has passed the 
scrutiny of critical discussion with
flying colours if, at the time, the women members of the 
relevant group were prevented
from voicing their objections because they had, by custom, 
at that point to leave the
room to make tea and sandwiches.

All this suggests that the epistemology of critical 
rationalism has within it facilities
upon which we can call in the scrutiny of social 
arrangements, insofar as we are
interested in truth and in the validity of ethical claims.  
This suggestion, if accepted,
leads to a further question concerning which kinds of 
economic and political arrangement
are most appropriate, from such a perspective.  Into this 
issue I cannot now enter - other
than to suggest that the answer to which I think that we 
will be led is rather different
from that which is usually read out of Habermas's theory of 
epistemologically-guided
social criticism, and is closer to classical liberalism 
than to any form of socialism.%
\footnote{%
 See, for some discussion, my "Habermas:  A Critical 
Approach", {\em Critical Review}, volume
2, No. 1, 1988.%
}%
 This
approach also suggests how we might develop a sociology of 
knowledge of a non-relativistic character - in the sense 
that we might explain defects in specific theories in
terms of the kind of inter-subjective criticism to which 
they have {\em not} been submitted,
by virtue of particular social arrangements.%
\footnote{%
 See, on this, my "The Religious Sect as a Cognitive 
System", {\em Annual Review of the Social
Sciences of Religion}, 4, 1980, and my "Epistemology 
Socialized?", {\em Et cetera}, Fall 1985.%
}%
  
% [HPG]
\subsection{"CRITICISM/SOLIDARITY" PARADOX AND THE PROBLEM OF 
ORGANIZING CRITICAL
RATIONALISM AS AN INTELLECTUAL MOVEMENT
 - William Fusfield}
% [center]


% [Center]
{\bf Public Speech Program, University of Pittsburgh}
% [center]


 

In a recent contribution to {\em The Newsletter}, "Mein 
Misverst\"{a}ndnis mit Miscevic: Or,
On the Dilemmas of Organizing a Critical Rationalist 
Movement", I mentioned, but did
not elaborate upon, a certain point "3" which suggested 
that if Critical Rationalism (CR)
is to survive - not to mention prosper - as an intellectual 
movement in the highly
ideology-charged days ahead, it must manage to accomplish 
"substantial intellectual
recruitment from the rising generation of scholars".  This 
is necessary, I claimed,
because "CR is doomed by what I called the 
'criticism/solidarity paradox' (CSP) to have
an unusually high turnover of adherents".  In the present 
article I wish to explain what
I mean by this "paradox", and show why I think it poses 
some significant organizational
problems for the development and dissemination of CRist 
ideas well worthy of our
consideration.

The basic problem is simple enough and arises naturally out 
of the reflexive
application of the standard CR modus operandi.  Being fully 
committed to
falsificationism, CR is all about actively promoting 
criticism of all conceptualizations
currently maintained, that any remaining errors in our 
knowledge might be detected and
eliminated as quickly as possible.  CRists are thus people 
who see it as one of their
primary intellectual functions, nay duties, to maintain a 
critical attitude to all knowledge
claims they may encounter.  Hence, as one becomes more 
committed to CR, one tends
invariably to expose ever greater realms of human knowledge 
and opinion, as well as
one's own experience, to critical scrutiny; for there is 
simply no area that ought
artificially to be exempted from continuing criticism.  It 
is thus perfectly natural to expect
that as  the recent CR recruit's own critical prowess 
develops, he or she will sooner or
later turn these critical powers to the very 
epistemological "foundations" of CR itself;
that he or she shall begin actively to search out any 
remaining errors in this particular
system of "knowledge" claims just as in any others.  Such 
individuals will thus take a
much closer look at the standard theses of the CR doctrine 
itself and attempt to "falsify"
its primary theses by adducing evidence and building 
arguments against them.  In doing
so they will - even if their powers of criticism remain 
quite modest - undoubtedly detect
a wide variety of remaining theoretical problems, as well 
as several plain and simple
logical errors, in the methodological writings of even the 
most carefully formulated of
CRist theorizations.  (For, as Adorno once very correctly 
noted, it is one of the minor
tragedies of human intellection - but also one of its minor 
miracles! - that "even the
dullest of minds are generally quite capable of finding the 
faults in the very finest".)  As
the new recruit comes to see ever more clearly just how 
thoroughly "flawed" CR too
really is, however, he is faced with a difficult choice.  
Either he will simply grow
"disenchanted" with it, (just as he has probably already 
grown disenchanted with many
other doctrines before it, should he have genuinely 
critical proclivities!).  In such a case,
he will probably simply begin gradually to disassociate 
himself from CR until he is no
longer a part of its sphere of critical discourse.  On the 
other hand, he might adopt a
more principled and productive attitude, and decide that, 
formidable problems and flaws
or not, CR is still far better than all of the other 
methodological doctrines around, and
hence fully deserving of whatever corrective influences 
that the dissemination of his own
critique of it may occasion.  In that case, he will set 
about at once to write up an
account of the problems and errors that he has perceived 
and begin to engage actively
in critical discussion with those other CRist who have not 
- or perhaps merely not yet
- perceived such hidden sources of error.

Now as the CR neophyte begins to do all this, strange 
things begin to happen. 
At first his criticisms are patiently listened to, perhaps 
even encouraged, and taken quite
"seriously" by the rest of the CR community.  Generally, 
however, it will be the case
that something very similar to the criticisms that he is 
now making will already have
surfaced within the discourse long before - as many other 
people before him will no
doubt have asked very similar "troubling questions" in 
their readings of the CR "classics"
as well.  Thus, more often than not, some more seasoned 
proponent of CR, who has
been through this particular matter several times before 
already, will be able simply to
answer his criticisms at once; to convince him, that is, 
that the real "error" involved may
very well be his own!  The beginner will thus - at least at 
first - be glad to have received
such wise and edifying correction, return to the CR "fold", 
and accept more strongly
than ever the validity of traditional CR doctrines.  But, 
of course, this means that he will
also see it as even more vitally important than ever that 
he keep incisively criticizing
things (especially now that he has learned so much himself 
by doing so!).  Thus it will
not be long before he has headed back to the "canonical" 
methodological texts of CR
and detected a whole new batch of problems and errors, 
which he now feels even more
strongly called upon to expose to his critical compatriots 
as well.  This he will then do,
only to discover - usually quite to his chagrin! - that the 
response this time is a little less
patient and helpful than it was the first time.  This time, 
that is, there will also be a
certain measure of irritation with him as well; a wee bit 
of the old "we've been through
all of this a dozen times before" attitude.  But let us be 
optimistic for the moment and
assume that this time too it is still possible for more 
established CRists to put our critical
protagonist's newly discovered objections to bed in 
relatively short order.  What will
happen next?  That's right, he will simply become still 
more committed to CR and its
noble falsificationist doctrine, and go right back to 
seeking out new troubles once again! 
As these too are brought forward in the discourse, however, 
he will gradually come to
be seen - and, from an organizational standpoint fully 
justly so! - as a rather "negative
element" in the discourse; as someone who always takes the 
discussion off more
"productive" tracks - tracks which simply tentatively 
presuppose the conventional
principles - to pose endless "philosophical" questions 
regarding the "ultimate" status of
the doctrine itself.  More troubling still, there is bound 
eventually to come a time - if he
possesses any real talent for criticism that is - when our 
precocious neophyte begins to
pose questions so novel and incisive that even the most 
seasoned of his intellectual
seniors has never encountered them before, and can thus 
produce - at least immediately
- no convincing rebuttals to silence him.  And yet, far 
from consistently thanking our
now so prodigiously advanced young critic for having helped 
them eliminate a few more
actually remaining flaws in their previous methodological 
conceptualizations, as they
should, the rest of the group is far more likely to view 
the critic with great ingratitude,
if not down-right contempt, for having just destroyed some 
of the very "foundations"
upon which they had just been so sanguinely building all of 
their divers ideational
habitations.  In short, the consistently critical 
participant in CR discourse, as in any
discourse, will eventually come to be viewed as someone 
simply "heretically" bent upon
subverting all "WORKING" methodological agreement within 
the group, all intellectual
"solidarity", rather than as one genuinely concerned to 
point out remaining problems.

Well this process will go on for a while.  But eventually 
something has got to give. 
(For it is simply so much easier for a quick and critical 
mind to discover ever new
problems and errors far faster than it is possible for even 
the sharpest CRist grouping to
invent workable "solutions" to each and every new 
difficulty detected.)  Eventually, that
is, one of two things will happen; with equally negative 
consequences, both for the
individual involved and for the healthy development of CR 
as a whole.  Either our
overzealous falsificationist will continue his bothersome 
"hyper-critical" behavior and
become ever more explicitly a persona non gratis within CR 
circles; someone eventuallyactually to be prevented from 
further participation, in the unlikely case that he doesn't
sense the "bad vibes" beforehand, "take the hint", and drop 
out freely.  In that case CR
will simply have lost one of its most critically competent 
adherents; one, that is, of the
very type which CR methodologically most requires!  Or, the 
ever sceptical individual in
question will eventually decide that his continued 
participation in CR discourse is so
important to him that he will be willing to cease - or at 
least greatly curb - his previous
activity of criticizing CR doctrine itself to the best of 
his ability.  But in that case, he can
hardly be expected to continue to serve his previous 
healthy role of allowing CR to
detect and slowly eliminate its many remaining theoretical 
errors.  Indeed, he will have
- for all practical purposes - been reduced to the status 
of one more uncritical "believer"
or "hack" in a highly hypo-critical "critical" cult more 
than willing to dish out criticism
to others, but unwilling to suffer it amongst themselves!

Thus it is that the most critical minds attracted to CR - 
the very same minds that
have the most to offer CR intellectually - will very often 
- and within a span of time
reciprocal to their original critical prowess! - begin to 
pose so many bothersome
questions to their colleagues that they will either be 
drummed out of the movement
altogether, or be "broken" of their critical spirit.  As 
such truly critical spirits are - and
by their very nature to boot! - subversive of all 
underlying doctrines which serve to give
the group its very raison d'etre, they invariably begin to 
call the originally motivating
basis of organizational "solidarity" itself into question 
and thus pose a real threat to the
further existence of the group and all of its current 
activities.  In short, precisely what
is best for CR in one sense, incisive criticism of current 
ideas, is worst for it in another,
eroding doctrinal unity, and we encounter the so-called 
"Criticism/Solidarity Paradox".

Up until now we have viewed this "paradox" merely as an 
interaction between an
isolated, consistently critical individual coming up 
against the CR "establishment".  We
should also make a few comments upon some of the aggregate 
organizational effects
of this concomitant solicitation and suspicion of 
self-criticism among its membership
upon CR as an intellectual movement, and make a few very 
tentative recommendations
as to how to diminish its destructive potential as much as 
possible.  Because of CR's -
organizationally considered - nearly unique legitimation, 
if not also stimulation, of
self-criticism among its adherents, we would, of course, 
consider the CSP to be
reactivated fairly frequently as new people are "recruited" 
to take part in CR discussions
and activities.  This, in turn, should manifest itself in 
an unusually high turn-over rate of
individuals participating in the movement, which, for its 
part, should then simply serve
to exacerbate the already substantial problems of 
maintaining  doctrinal and
organizational coherence and structure.  In addition, such 
rapid "burn out" of new
members would be expected significantly to hamper the 
further numerical growth of the
movement; perhaps even leading to its gradual collapse 
should it prove impossible to find
enough new recruits willing to stick around long enough to 
counter-balance the natural
attrition rate due to "falling away" and/or aging of the 
current membership.  Perhaps
most important of all, we should also expect to see the 
stress placed upon criticism,
especially self-criticism, to become ever more attenuated; 
both because those new
members who have stuck around are likely to be exactly 
those who are not so quick to
criticize and who have hence not yet run into the paradox 
and already left, and also
because the group itself will undoubtedly become ever more 
explicitly aware of the
organizational problems that too much self-criticism 
occasions for any discourse
community and thus - quite rationally - seek to find 
institutional means of preventing its
continual disruptive articulation.  All in all, then, we 
would expect - "a priori" as it were
- CR to have an exceedingly rough go of it as an 
intellectual movement.

Actively encouraging criticism, and thereby unintentionally 
legitimating
self-criticism as well, for all of its noble commendability 
as an intellectual ethic, would
thus seem - from the purely anticipatory perspective 
pursued so far here - to be a goodprescription for 
organizational suicide.  One might well wonder then how CR 
has actually
fared with respect to this paradox in recent years.  Here 
one has to be somewhat
pleasantly surprised as an observer of organizational 
coherence.  For although CR seems
indeed repeatedly to have encountered the paradox 
specified, continues to have a fairly
high turn-over rate of participants, and even seems 
somewhat to have attenuated its
tolerance for internal criticism over the years, it still 
seems to be both quite salubriously
open to self-criticism, and, at any rate, to have fared 
considerably better than most other
self-consciously "critical" organizations, (indeed, even as 
well as many organizations
which are not burdened with the necessity of continually 
tolerating internal criticism!). 
Such relative "success", of which CR has every right to be 
somewhat proud, can be
attributed, one assumes, to the exceptional patience, good 
humor and intellectual
integrity of some of its more established members.

Still, while CR has done a good job of surviving, perhaps 
even slightly expanding,
in recent years, it can hardly be said to have prospered.  
The movement has a definite
foothold in German academic life, but, even there is hardly 
an intellectual force to be
reckoned with - as say are Critical Theory, Hermeneutics, 
Neo-Marxism,
Deconstructionism, and a variety of others.  Moreover, it 
has fared far less well in other
European countries, and remains virtually unknown in the 
rest of the world as an
intellectual movement; and this although it can in fact 
proudly claim a truly international
representation of adherents.  One has to wonder then what 
can be done concretely to
ameliorate at least that impediment to further growth that 
is posed by the CSP.  It
should be stressed that there is clearly no simple solution 
here.  There will always be
some real tension between the self-critical enthusiasm of 
CR's new - and sometimes
even older - recruits and the on-going need for 
organizational stability and solidarity upon
the part of the movement as a whole.  One can only hope to 
diminish the paradox's
more overtly undesirable "unintended consequences".  To do 
this will clearly require real
effort and a preparedness to compromise upon the part of 
both the self-critical
individuals and the established and organized movement.  
The former must come to
realize that it is unfair of them to be continually and 
immediately disturbing the group
with every single new suspicion or doubt that enters their 
heads.  They must respect the
other's right to get on with more advanced questions in 
situations where they already
feel confident enough of a consensus upon such axiomatic 
principles.  The latter group,
on the other hand, must try hard to continue to show 
exceptional patience with the
often only very "half-baked" objections raised by newer 
adherents; to view these as the
necessary price to be paid for developing the confident 
independent critical thought so
essential to the highest ends of CR.  Moreover, this group 
must always manage to keep
itself open to the real possibility that some of the 
problems and errors detected in CR by
these actively self-critical adherents may in fact 
represent real matters of concern, that
must be dealt with if CR is to continue to develop its 
theoretical conceptualizations and
not merely fossilize into one more anachronistic ideology 
or "Philosophy of Science". 
At some point, it may even become necessary to introduce 
some specific institutional
procedures to help ameliorate the CSP.  Thus, for example, 
it might be desirable to hold
special colloquia from time to time which are devoted 
completely to criticism of current
CR doctrine itself, while at the same time requiring 
participants to withhold such
criticisms at other functions, devoted to more specific 
CRist analyses of particular
scientific, philosophical, social, political or economic 
matters.  Should some balance
eventually be found, which allows new adherents to CR to 
explore and express their
many newly-discovered areas of weakness in CR itself, while 
yet sheltering the more
established adherents from the need to be continually 
rehashing basic principles, the
chances for CR's growth in future years should be 
measurably increased.  Unfortunately,
however, this paradox is only one of many organizational 
impediments to such a healthy
expansion of the influence of CR in the years ahead.  
Still, finding some good solutionhere, could only serve to 
help the noble cause of promoting the spread of critical
reasoning in a world increasingly dominated by its 
diametrical opposite: violence.  

\subsection{THE AUTHORITY OF SCIENCE - AND ITS ENEMIES
 - John R. Skoyles}
% [center]




Successful scientists pick out one philosopher as having 
articulated the rationality
of what they do as scientists.  He is Sir Karl Popper FRS.  
But Popper's ideas play no
part in contemporary philosophy.  As Popper has said "Here 
I am being showered with
honours as no professional philosopher before me; yet three 
generations of professional
philosophers know nothing about my work".%
\footnote{%
 Bartley, W.W. III. "A Popperian harvest".  In P. Levinson 
(Ed.), {\em In pursuit of truth}, pp.
249-289 (Humanities Press. New York, 1982), p. 272.%
}%


How did this situation arise?  I suggest, because 
philosophers use a false analogy
to model the nature of authority held by ideas.  It causes 
them to find intellectual
problems where there are none and ignore achievements where 
they exist.

This analogy - which I call the "source" or geometry 
analogy started with Plato. 
It asserts that the authority possessed by empirical ideas 
in science is to be understood
by analogy with that held by valid geometry theorems (more 
generally all valid theorems
in axiomatisable systems).  Geometrical ideas depend for 
their validity upon
demonstration from a source of their truth - the axioms of 
their geometrical system. 
Both modern and ancient philosophy claim that something 
like this can be metaphorically
applied to model the link between the authority of 
scientific conclusions about the
external world and scientific reasoning.  Plato's claim 
that knowledge is justified ideas
is a simple analogy where knowledge itself corresponds to 
"geometrical theorem",
justification to "proof" and truth to "geometrical axioms". 
 This analogy takes for granted
that the proper analysis of the authority of science must 
be in terms of a transmission
of the authority of truth to ideas.  Philosophers therefore 
search for the means to
transmit truth to ideas to create "scientific knowledge" 
through justification or through
some kind of dialectic.  The history of philosophy is the 
history of the many imaginative
attempts to model the nature of the source of science's 
authority:  eternal forms, the
logos, clear and distinct innate ideas, sense perceptions, 
a priori synthetic categories,
socially defined meanings and epistemological contingencies.

Though sometimes creative, analogies can be destructive.  
Thus it is disturbing
that philosophers have known nearly since its beginnings 
that the geometry analogy was
an implausible guide to the authority of reason.  That no 
empirical idea can be justified
has been noted by every skeptic from Pyrrho of Elis (BC 365 
- 270) to David Hume. 
There are obvious problems.  If the authority of ideas is 
deduced from a source, how do
we know that this source has this authority except but by 
another source of authority? 
The authority of foundations must themselves have 
foundations.  The geometry analogy
leads either to an infinite regression to the ultimate 
source of authority, to an arbitrary
dogmaticism that one authority is the authority, or to 
skepticism that is no such
authority.

As a scientist I blame the geometry analogy for the present 
absurdities written by
many philosophers (and sociologists) about science.  
Contemporary philosophers have
been taught to expect science's authority to be transmitted 
from truth.  They conclude
rightly that truth cannot be its source.  But they do not 
seek to replace the geometry
analogy.  Instead they twist it.  Science manifestly has 
authority but truth cannot be its
source; therefore, what is its source?  Philosophers have 
readily filled the gap by
attributing the "source" of science's authority to a wide 
variety of things.  This process
is most clear in Feyerabend.  He first demands science to 
possess a "method" deductive
from truth of its authority.  Then, failing to find it, 
concludes the only alternative sourceof the scientist's 
authority must be political power, trickery and propaganda. 
Philosophers (and following them, social scientists) have 
selected other sources of
authority, attributing it to "epistemology authority of 
speech communities" (Rorty and
followers of Wittgenstein), and the ideology of the 
dominant social class (sociologists
of science).

Do we need philosophers?  Consider the following thought 
adventure.  Imagine
if scientists awoke one day with a collective amnesia as to 
every philosophical idea
ancient and modern.  Further, what if all trace of the 
prior existence of philosophers,
their books and journals had disappeared.  What kind of 
theory of scientific knowledge
and authority might they invent?

Scientists might hypothesis that the authority of science 
was analogous to that
held by valid theorems in mathematics.  But they would 
quickly reject this.  Theories in
science are constantly replaced.  Nothing like this happens 
within mathematical systems. 
Further, though the ancients knew axioms were created by 
us, they were aware of only
one axiomatization and so perhaps could not ignore this; 
but we now know of non-Euclidean geometries and cannot.  
Moreover we know that axioms systems, for instance
those of arithmetic, exist, possessing true theorems which 
cannot be proved.  The
transmission of authority from sources does not completely 
explain the authority of
reasoned conclusions even in areas where it was thought to 
reign.

Scientists amnesic of philosophy would however appreciate 
the significance of
authorities unknown in the ancient world.  In the modern 
world, not all authorities
originate in sources as some are created by goals and 
problem solving organised around
them.  Airworthiness is one example (discussed below).  
Scientists freed of philosophers
would note close similarities with its authority and that 
of science.

People (including philosophers) want to fly safe aircraft.  
This creates a problem. 
Aircraft are innately dangerous - they are complex boxes 
which aerodynamically
suspended accelerate to (and from) great speeds and 
heights.  Not surprisingly, there is
priority to make flight safe - we want to avoid accidents.

The problem of air safety is a problem about ideas.  Though 
we do not fly ideas,
how and what we fly depends upon ideas in the form of 
aircraft designs and protocols
governing their operation.  How and what we fly will 
therefore be determined by how
their merits are argued, evaluated and debated.  But what 
sort of problem intellectually
is this?  It is nothing like the reasoning done to 
demonstrate proofs - showing the
transmission of authority from a source.  Nevertheless 
reasoning over safety creates
rational authority - airworthiness - to prefer one design 
over another.  This is not
reducible to its legal backing since this itself depends 
upon expert reasoning over safety.

How does this reasoning create authority?  The authority of 
airworthiness lies in
the combination of the goal of air safety with a 
non-geometric kind of problem solving. 
There are two kinds of problem solving.  Before showing the 
connection between
problem solving and authority I shall discuss them.

They can be of two broad types:  closed or open.  Closed 
problems have
identifiable answers which end them.  Solutions to open 
problems in contrast are always
provisional and contingent.  Finding a missing child is a 
closed problem:  only the
discovery of some specific child can end it.  Another 
child, however similar, will not do. 
Finding the prettiest face in a baby competition, in 
contrast, is an open problem. 
Providing at least one child has been entered there is a 
prettiest baby.  Which child wins
is contingent upon individual judges' preferences (the 
criteria used) and those babies
entered (the set of potential alternative solutions).  
Closed problems have the advantage
of a definite solution at the cost of not having 
provisional ones.  Unless the child is found
the search can go on rewardless for ever.  Open problems 
have the advantage over
closed problems in always having solutions.  If one 
candidate solution is not availableanother can take its 
place.  If the winner of a baby competition is disqualified 
another
baby can take its prize.  the problem of creating 
airworthiness is of the open kind.

A subset of closed problems concern transmission.  A 
successful transmission
preserves the identity of its input in its output.  A 
subset of this subset are problems
concerning deduction which seek to transmit truth and 
falsity - truth from an antecedent
idea to a consequent one and vice versa for falsity.  
Finding proofs about mathematical
theorems are transmission problems, hence problems par 
excellence of a closed
intellectual problem solving.  Whether a theorem given 
certain axioms is valid or not has
a definite solution.  Thus in viewing rationally as 
analogous with geometry philosophers
restrict their modelling of the problem solving of reason 
to closed problems.

There is an alternative - airworthiness shows authority can 
be created by goals. 
The authority of ideas can be created using open problem 
solving - a possibility denied
historically by philosophers.  Goals can do this because 
they can determine exhaustively
the criteria and sets of candidate solutions used in open 
problems.  We can use goals to
restrict the ideas we hold.  For any open problem there is 
a set of candidate solutions. 
This may be empty.  But many sets are non-empty for 
instance the set of methods of
reasoning.  If there is a single member in the set, it is 
the solution by default - the set
after all is made up of candidate solutions.  Where more 
than one exists the solution is
the one gaining by the criteria the highest merit.  Which 
criteria should be used?  This
is determined by the induction of further problems by our 
goal.  (Open problem solving
has similarities to mathematical induction - you start with 
a given and use a procedure
to replace it.  The main difference is that this procedure 
is another "given" in a higher
level).  If air safety is our goal, we will be concerned to 
use the best methods to select
safe designs.  At a higher level we want to use the best 
methods of selecting these
methods.  We would not want to use a method of selecting 
methods which was inferior
to another - we might be less effective in choosing those 
methods good at selecting safe
designs and so the pursuit of our goal.  This ascent is 
made up of provisional solutions
(ideas and methods of selection) - the only non-provisional 
thing is our goal.  This makes
our reasoning contingent upon the ideas methods and 
criteria we use.  But the problem
solving is constantly evolving in an unending quest towards 
something non-contingent - our goal.

The ascent to better methods is a better analysis of 
reasoning than the traditional
analysis of the descent to its foundations.  Successful 
problem solving does not transmit
anything to their selected solutions.  The reasoning and 
methods used to create air
safety for instance do not give grounds for believing any 
flight is risk free.  Instead of
establishing the authority of the ideas methods in problem 
solving selects only the
effectiveness of the problem solving used.  In the case of 
air safety, effective methods
reassure us we have done our best to search for potential 
causes of air disasters.  Some
may be missed but we know we have done our best to find 
them.  Tomorrow, in our
unending quest, we will do better.

Goal authorities radically differ from source authorities.  
Instead of foundations it
is the exhaustiveness of our search and evaluation which 
give the ideas of goal
authorities their authority.  A source authority is 
challenged by showing that the
privileged given an idea is not transmitted from an 
authorising source.  Goal authority is
challenged by finding an idea better than ones we have 
which meets our goal.
Alternatively, it ceases as soon as we stop caring about 
the goal.  If air safety was not
a problem - if it did not matter whether aircraft crashed 
or not, then neither would those
ideas selected as airworthy in terms of it.  Given a 
different goal different ideas and
problems would be selected.

A goal authority model of science explains three problems 
which philosophers fail
to answer.  First, the impossibility of finding 
foundations:  goal authorities select ideasthey do not 
justify them.  Theories in science are privileged only 
because we care
whether they are true or not.  Their privilege has no 
foundation other than this.

Second, after Hume, we know that as no aircraft is known to 
be safe, no theory
in logic can be known to be true - a few theory 
confirmations means as much for a
theory being true as a few safe flights means an aircraft 
will not have a future accident. 
If scientific reasoning involves open problem solving this 
suggests the authority of any
theory in science will be ephemeral awaiting a better one.  
But this ephemeralness fits
what Hume showed about the status of empirical logic.

Third, present philosophers cannot account for why 
scientists debate and criticise. 
However, as shown by the search for flight safety, the most 
efficient collective problem
solving centred upon a goal involves a collective 
willingness to vigorously debate, test
and criticize ideas.  Debate becomes central to 
understanding scientist's rationality if we
are pursuing a goal.

In a world amnesic of philosophy, scientists would arrive 
at similar conclusions
upon analogy with airworthiness as to Popper.  First, 
science gains its authority from
criticism.  The authority of a theory rests upon the 
severity of the tests it has undergone
(preproduction aircraft designs undergo vigorous testing; 
the more likely to uncover a
design defect the better).  Second, all theories are 
conjectures (no aircraft can be shown
to be safe as accidents are always imaginable).  Third, 
science aims not to show theories
are true but to eliminate false theories (we cannot foresee 
the future, we only know the
past; thus we can only eliminate designs and flights 
procedures known to have caused,
or be likely, to cause accidents).

The history of the relationship between philosophy and 
science is not happy.  Final
causes motivated on philosophical grounds hindered 
mechanics for over a millennia.  The
philosophical assumption that we are the centre of the 
universe enabled the Ptolemaic
model of the universe to sidetrack astronomy into the 
Renaissance.  I suggest
philosophers mislead non-scientists and scientists about 
the nature of science's
authority.  The ancient philosophers mixed ends and causes. 
 They took the physical
world as seeking goals and the authority of reason as 
transmitted from truth.  In
contrast, after Galileo, we know the physical world is 
based upon transmission from
causes.  After Popper, we know the authority of reason 
comes from how we seek truth. 

\subsection{ON THE DYNAMICS OF THE PROPAGATION AND COMPETITION OF 
IDEAS: MORE
COMMENTS SURPRISED OUT OF ME BY SKOYLES -
Tom Settle}
% [center]


% [Center]
{\bf Department of Philosophy, University of Guelph
% [center]
}

\subsubsection{1. The Story so far.}



You would gather from my comments on John Skoyles's 'What 
is Popper's
Problem', (both in NEWSLETTER 3, nos 1/2, pp. 2-6) in which 
I explained why I did not
think he had got the matter right, that I found his piece 
puzzling.  I cast about a bit to
try to make sense of it.  Well, I never thought of taking a 
particular idea of his literally,
the idea that ideas propagate themselves and are in 
competition.  Far from taking it
literally, I took it metaphorically and complained about 
the metaphor.  I even likened his
'metaphor', disparagingly - and he properly took me to task 
for that - to a similar one used
by sociobiologists.  I thought the idea was bad enough (or, 
rather, worse than bad
enough) as a metaphor.  But it is clear from Skoyles's 
Reply (NEWSLETTER 3 nos 3/4,
pp. 47-49) that that was a mistake.  He really does mean me 
to think that ideas do
actually, quite literally, propagate themselves and are 
actually, quite literally, in
competition.  He says this is a fact.  I think he is dead 
wrong.  Incidentally, he cannot
claim to be expounding Popper here, since it is always 
clear from what Popper writes
that he means the competition of ideas, and so on, 
metaphorically.  And, incidentally
again, not even genes literally propagate themselves, 
though concrete genes - I mean
segments of DNA - can be said to behave, chemically, in such 
a way as to cause the
assembly of other segments of DNA embodying the same 
patterns they do.

This matter, whether ideas literally propagate themselves 
and are literally in
competition, is much more important than whether Skoyles 
misrepresents my ideas,
suggestions, intentions, criticisms, and so on, as I think 
he does.  So I shall say nothing
in self-defence except to express the hope that people will 
do me the kindness of reading
what I wrote, rather than what Skoyles says I wrote, if 
they have any desire to get my
point.  Nor shall I spend time in defence of Popper's views 
against Skoyles's
misrepresentation, important though I think it is to get 
Popper's philosophy right.  There
is a bigger fish to fry. 



\subsubsection{2. Must Ideas Be Literally Active for there to be 
Teaching and Learning?}

The three arguments Skoyles adduces to try to show that 
ideas are active seem
to me either to fail or to miss the point.  First, he says, 
'Settle...can criticize me by
showing that such things as teaching and learning do not 
exist.' I take him to mean that
the very existence of teaching and learning proves that 
ideas propagate themselves and
compete with each other.  I think it does nothing of the 
kind, but I shall have to say
more about what teaching and learning are in order to show 
this.  Let me try, starting
with learning.

Leave aside learning a skill, such as horseback riding or 
welding or surgery, to the
extent that any of these go beyond the entertaining of 
ideas.  Leave aside, too, the ideas
involved where a learner might not be aware of having 
learnt them, as in the learning a
golden retriever does in order to qualify as a seeing-eye 
dog.  And leave aside all rotelearning where some 
behavioral repertoire, including the recitation of perhaps 
meaningful
words, is rendered routine. (I do not here include an 
actor's learning his or her part,
unless, unhappily, performance becomes routine.) Perhaps we 
should also leave aside
all learning that results in enhanced aesthetic 
appreciation.  I am trying to narrow things
down to the learning of ideas that might count as 
knowledge, particular or general,
empirical or theoretical.

Given this narrowness, we can now say that a person can 
only actually learn what
is true, though often people will say something has been 
learned which is merely thought
true.  Learning has all the problems knowledge has, in this 
respect.  But learning is not
merely knowing.  It has affinities with understanding, 
which is a grasp of the
interconnections of things and ideas with each other, and 
involves the resolution of
puzzles or problems.

But how does a person get ideas? Where do they come from? 
How do they enter
the mind (if I may be permitted to use the term)? 'Come 
from' and 'enter' are spatial
terms, which can only be used here metaphorically or 
analogically, if we are not to
localize ideas, and I want to be cautious about localizing 
ideas.  So let us try a different
tack.  When a person has an idea, when an idea, as it were, 
comes to him or her, we
can certainly say that the person comes to think something 
so.  Let us ask, then, how
does a person come to think something or other so? There 
are obviously many different
answers, of which three kinds are very important: 
perception (including proprioception);
somebody else voicing or writing a sentence which expresses 
an idea; or a person may
come up with an idea himself or herself, with or without 
some kind of external prompting
such as being presented with a problem.  I should like to 
know Skoyles's views on this
subject, but my view is that my coming up with an idea 
myself is of absolute centrality
to learning.

Whenever anyone says anything to me, or I read something, 
quite out of the
ordinary - a new poem, say, or a new theory in science - I 
feel my imagination at a stretch
trying to come up with ideas that will match the words I 
have just encountered. 
Sometimes I cannot manage it.  The poem remains obscure; or 
I do not understand the
theory.  Or understanding may be partial.  In my view, the 
skill of imaginatively coming
up with ideas that match verbal intake is absolutely 
central to even the learning and use
of language, including body language.  It is true, some 
kinds of signals may trigger fairly
tightly wired reflexes.  ('Wired' is a metaphor.) Shouts of 
warning, say, or of anger.  The
rapid approach of a flying object.  The sudden falling away 
of the ground in front of one. 
But the meanings of most utterances do not make such direct 
connection with the
nervous system.  We have to invent meanings to make sense 
of our intake.  Intake we
are used to does not require fresh invention, just 
recollection.  This is why learning is
taxing and why imaginative people are your best listeners, 
unless you are a boring
raconteur.

On this account of learning, there cannot be any guarantee 
that a meaning taken
from something seen or heard is the meaning intended by the 
utterer.  If you want to be
sure you have understood correctly, you have to test you 
comprehension by saying or
doing something yourself which should have one result if 
you were right and another if
not (provided the meaning of {\em your} utterance was 
correctly grasped).  And if you want
to be sure that the meaning of your own utterances has been 
grasped, you will set tests
for your auditors which, if you are skilled at testing, 
they can pass only if they have
understood what you said.  (As all examiners know, there is 
the dreaded risk that
examinees who did understand the matter at hand can still 
fail the test, for other
reasons.  There is no ready way to obviate this.)

Learning to speak a language, learning how a machine works 
or what the
composition of some substance is, or what the nature of 
some dimly apprehended
regularity in natural occurrences is, all require the same 
method: imaginative trial coupledwith a sensitivity to the 
trial's effects that will let you know whether you were 
right. 
One can define successful communication as where the ideas 
the hearer comes up with
are more or less the same as the ideas the utterer was 
trying to get across.  Both utterer
and hearer are active.  The utterer finding words that 
hopefully will trigger the intended
idea; the hearer looking for meanings that will satisfy the 
utterance.  But throughout, it
is people who are active, not ideas.  On the account I am 
giving, people propagate ideas
by actions designed to prod hearers into coming up with 
replica-ideas.  The ideas do not
propagate themselves.  {\em The ideas themselves are 
passive}.

Teaching, given this model of learning, becomes an exercise 
in providing
circumstances most conducive to the student's imaginatively 
inventing the ideas he or
she is supposed to be learning.  Learning is fundamental 
and goes forward more by the
energy of the learner than by the energy of the teacher.

So, I can firmly believe both in teaching and learning 
without any commitment
whatsoever to the idea that ideas are active.



\subsubsection{3. Different Times Different Ideas.}



Skoyles's second argument is hard to grasp.  He says, 
simply, that ideas people
have in 1987 differ from those people had in 1933 and 402 
BC.  Ideas get replaced, it
seems.  And the replacement is not arbitrary: 'successful 
ideas gain their success
because they possess characteristics not possessed by those 
ideas they replace.  It
might not seem like competition' but it is, Skoyles wants 
us to believe.  I am mystified
as to why a person would want to insist that ideas do 
compete, even that it is a fact
that they do, at the same as admitting that it does not 
seem that they do.  Certainly, it
cannot be an argument in favour of the idea that ideas 
compete, that, while not seeming
to compete, some ideas get replaced by others, unless 
Skoyles thinks that the only
possible explanation of the replacement is that the ideas 
have competed, contrary to
appearances, with some losing  while others won. (Of 
course, he would also have to say
where any new ideas came from, and that might drive him 
towards my theory.) But there
{\em is} another explanation.  There are probably several, 
but here is mine.   

On my explanation, there is also a competition, but it is 
between people.  People
with certain ideas compete with people with different 
(perhaps, also, incompatible) ideas
in an effort to gain followers or adherents or 
co-conspirators or just friends or power and
prestige or the Nobel Prize.  Let me explain why this is 
possible.  Some ideas that people
have are very difficult to test against the facts.  The 
idea that ideas compete is one
such, but any of the ideas that science has left for 
philosophers to argue about will do. 
Others are much easier to test, such as that water boils 
when heated and freezes when
cooled or that bread nourishes.  Or any of a thousand ideas 
that early scientists made
it their business to investigate.  It is an uphill battle 
getting much popularity for ideas
that are easily shown to be wrong, once someone has found 
out how to show them
wrong.  It is much easier to gain adherents for ideas which 
cannot be shown up easily
and which at the same time have a certain logical power.  
Ideas that solve painful
puzzles or that bring coherence to one's personal pool of 
ideas are particularly welcome. 
So that if someone does or says something that suggests 
such an idea to me, I shall be
inclined to believe him or her.  Ricoeur remarked a while 
ago that if ideologies were to
take popular hold they had to oversimplify things.  Of 
course.  The ordinary person can
hardly be expected to come up with very complex and 
many-layered ideas in an effort
to match a passing preacher's wayside  or workplace 
utterances.

But we have to be careful, here, about when one idea is the 
same as another or
when two people can both have the same idea.  For my money, 
this last expression is
loose talk.  Two people can no more have the same idea than 
two people can have the
same genes.  Identical twins or clones can have genes that 
embody the same patterns,though their actual material genes 
are numerically distinct.  Similarly, two people may
have occurrent ideas that are numerically distinct (one 
being entertained in one mind and
the other in the other) but share logical content.  The 
logical content of an idea lies in
the realm of possibility and is eternal.  Actual ideas that 
you and I entertain are fleeting. 
Sometimes we remember, sometimes we forget.  It is 
perfectly possible in a society for
no-one at all to have any idea with a logical content that 
was once upon a time more or
less exactly shared by ideas everybody had.  It would be a 
manner of speaking to say
that such an idea died.  It is more exact to say that 
everybody who entertained ideas
with that logical content died.  We also talk about ideas 
reviving or being revived.  I do
not have any trouble with this metaphorically.  On the 
account I am giving, talk about
ideas being alive and competing and so on resembles talk 
about computers thinking or
playing chess.  A pretty shorthand for ideas whose more 
exact expression would be
cumbersome.



\subsubsection{4. Why Criticism Matters in Science.}



Skoyles's third argument is that 'realizing that ideas 
compete with each other is
essential if we are to see why criticism matters in 
science.' By implication, if we suppose
that ideas do not compete, then no sensible account can be 
given of criticism mattering
in science.  O.K. So I have to explain why criticism 
matters in a world where ideas do
not compete.

I start by assuming that everybody's imaginations are 
limited and fallible,
scientists' included.  Progress in science requires 
imagination.  On Popper's account,
imagination may come into play in seeing something as 
problematic which everybody
before had taken for granted, or in seeing a possible 
solution to a problem everybody
before had been stumped by.  But one can be mistaken about 
what is really problematic
or one can be mistaken about the correct solution to a 
problem.  Criticism amounts to
providing a reason, whether grounded in a fresh thought or 
in a fresh experience, for
thinking one's conjecture possibly mistaken.  Of course, 
one can think one's conjecture
mistaken without having any reason to, beyond an 
appropriately modest belief in one's
own fallibility.  Criticism provides a specific reason to 
do so, and may, at the same time,
suggest to one the way in which one might be wrong and the 
way to go to improve the
conjecture.

All this is true in philosophy or literary appreciation or 
theology as much as in
science.  The difference in science is that criticism is 
often grounded in matters of public
experience, or at least of repeatable experiments, so that 
it is much easier to come to
agreement with colleagues in the field that a conjecture 
was wrong and in need of
remedy or replacement.  In none of this are ideas active.  
People come up with
conjectures and phrase them in a way that helps others have 
ideas with a similar logical
content.  People think up alternative critical ideas and 
voice them with a similar intent
at communication, or do experiments that lead them to think 
the original conjecture in
error, and publish their results in a manner designed to 
provoke their colleagues'
understanding.



\subsubsection{5. What's Next?}

I have tried, here, to expose a rough theory (if that is 
not too dignified a handle
for my ideas) of the dynamics of the propagation of ideas 
which does requires activity,
not on the part of ideas themselves, but, rather, on the 
part of the people who entertain
the ideas.  I should very much like it if Skoyles could 
reciprocate by taking me step by
step through his own rival theory.  Then I should have a 
better chance to understand
what he is talking about and to see whether there are any 
reasons why I should thinkhe is right rather than myself.  
Of course, anyone else can join in, too.  It's an open
society.  
% [HPG]

\subsection{POPPER AND THE RED PRUSSIAN
- Antony Flew (Reading)}
% [center]




%
\WPindent{%
{\em {\bf Editor's Note}:}  Professor Flew has obtained 
Professor Popper's consent to
reprint a passage from a letter he received from him.  
Professor Popper
gave his consent on the condition that we reprint along 
with it his note on
{\em The Red Prussian} from Addendum II of Vol.2 of {\em 
The Open Society}.  %
}%




In a note first added to the Fifth Edition of {\em The Open 
Society} (Vol. II, P. 396)
Popper wrote:  "Some years after I wrote this book, Leopold 
Schwartzschild's book on
Marx, {\em The Red Prussian} (translated by Margaret Wing: 
London 1948) became known to
me.  There is no doubt in my mind that Schwartzschild looks 
at Marx with
unsympathetic and even hostile eyes, and that he often 
paints him in the darkest
possible colours.  But, even though the book may be not 
always fair, it contains
documentary evidence, especially from the Marx-Engels 
correspondence, which shows
that Marx was less of a humanitarian and less of a lover of 
freedom, than he is made to
appear in this book.  Schwartzschild describes him as a man 
who saw in `the proletariat'
mainly an instrument for his own personal ambition.  Though 
this may put the matter
more harshly than the evidence warrants, it must be 
admitted that the evidence itself is
shattering".  But at that time (1965) Popper added nothing 
about Marx as a supposedly
sincere seeker after scientific truth.  Now, in a letter to 
me, he has done so.

This is the story.  Although I only became aware of 
Popper's 1965 Note much
later - Until then my own copies of {\em The Open Society} 
had been of the First Edition,
awarded as a College Prize in 1947 - I immediately began to 
search for a copy of the
Schwartzschild volume, which had already been out of print 
for twenty or more years. 
Once I had had the chance of reading it I resolved that it 
absolutely must be got back
into print.  Now at last it is (ISBN 0948859-00-8 from 
Pickwick Books, PO Box 925,
London W21FA).

Unfortunately this New Edition does not include the 
updating Appendix, which
was intended to cover some more recent revelations: both 
about the begetting and
shabby disposal of an illegitimate son by the `au pair' 
Lenchen Demuth; and about the
Marx finances.  This can now be found, along with other 
materials more academic, in
Leslie Page {\em Karl Marx and the Critical Examination of 
his Works} (London: Freedom
Association, 1987).  But the New Edition does contain an 
Introduction in which I argue,
with explicit reference to Popper, and on what I take to be 
Popperian lines, that the
systematic and lifelong failure of Marx to attend to 
intellectually formidable and truth-concerned criticism, 
both of his supposedly scientific conjectures and of his 
proposals
for wholesale Utopian social engineering, revealed a basic 
and pervasive bad faith:  both
that is, a lack of a sincere concern about truth; and a 
lack of any genuine concern as to
whether the policies commended would actually achieve the 
emancipatory and welfare
results which were their pretended justification.

I recently received a characteristically far too generous 
letter from Sir Karl,
provoked by the Introduction aforesaid.  The passage which 
readers of the {\em Newsletter}
will wish to see runs as follows:- 



%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
I was personally shattered by Schwartzschild's book, and it
was only my view of Marx's moral stature which was
shattered.  The reason that my view of Marx's stature as a
scientist was not shattered is very simple.  I had not a 
{\em very}
high opinion to start with, but I had given him all the 
benefit
of the doubt; and my opinion had {\em slowly} deteriorated, 
bothwhile writing the book and after having written it; so 
slowly
that I never clearly noticed it.  When I read Schwartzschild
there was nothing left to be shattered.  %
}%
%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
So it was only when I now read your Introduction that I saw
that I ought to have referred to my changed view of Marx's
scientific sincerity.  I therefore accept your criticism 
{\em fully}.  %
}%
%
}%




Sir Karl goes on to say that, if opportunity arises, he 
intends to add another note
to {\em The Open Society} "briefly referring to this new 
edition with your excellent
Introduction, and to my full acceptance of its criticism".  
% [HPG]

\subsection{ELABORATION D'UNE HERMENEUTIQUE EPISTEMOLOGIQUE BASEE 
SUR LA
PHILOSOPHIE DE KARL POPPER - 
Bente B{\o}ggild}




J'ai largement profit\'{e} de la philosophie de Popper pour 
\'{e}laborer une m\'{e}thode
herm\'{e}neutique susceptible d'\^{e}tre appliqu\'{e}e aux 
oeuvres litt\'{e}raires fran\c{c}aises. 
Premi\`{e}rement, j'ai utilis\'{e} sa division en trois 
mondes.  Deuxi\`{e}mement, je me suis servie
de la th\'{e}orie d'\'{e}volution de Popper et par l\`{a} 
de ses quatre fonctions de langue.  

Les deux fonctions de langue inf\'{e}rieures m'ont servie 
dans les analyses litt\'{e}raires
en m'aidant \`{a} former une premi\`{e}re 
interpr\'{e}tation superficielle que j'ai appel\'{e}e 
"r\'{e}cit
communicatif", c'est \`{a} dires un r\'{e}sum\'{e} de 
l'action telle qu'on la comprend \`{a} la premi\`{e}re
lecture.  

Les deux fonctions de langue sup\'{e}rieures jouent un 
r\^{o}le d\'{e}cisif pour la th\'{e}orie
d'\'{e}volution de Popper.  C'est \`{a} travers elles que 
l'homme (par \'{e}volution exosomatique)
d\'{e}veloppe de nouveaux outils, et \`{a} travers ceux-ci 
qu'il peut augmenter ses
connaissance et par l\`{a}-meme sa capacit\'{e} 
d'adaptation \`{a} de nouveaux cr\'{e}neaux dans la
soci\'{e}t\'{e}.  Elles sont fonctions de la connaissance 
et de la volont\'{e} des \^{e}tres humains.

Dans mes analyses d'oeuvres litt\'{e}raires con\c{c}ues 
dans une langue plus ou moins
ambigu\"{e} on peut rep\'{e}rer les deux fonctions de 
langues sup\'{e}rieures en suivant le sch\'{e}ma
$P_1 \rightarrow{} TT \rightarrow{} EE \rightarrow{} P_2$, 
bien qu'elles ne soient pas directement \'{e}crites dans 
le texte, comme c'est
le cas des deux fonctions de langue inf\'{e}rieures.  Ainsi 
l'analyse est divis\'{e}e en deux:



%
\WPindent{%
1. un r\'{e}cit communicatif, qui est lu directement dans le 
texte.%
}%


\WPindent{%
2. un r\'{e}cit de connaissance qui est fond\'{e} sur le 
r\'{e}cit communicatif et aussi sur une
th\'{e}orie tentative qu'on va essayer d'\'{e}liminer.  %
}%




La phase d'\'{e}limination est une phase de 
r\'{e}v\'{e}lation.  On peut lire un roman bien
connu dans une nouvelle optique (celle de la th\'{e}orie 
tentative) et d\'{e}couvrir avec quelle
exactitude il a \'{e}t\'{e} \'{e}crit.  Il semble qu'il 
n'existe pas un seul \'{e}l\'{e}ment qui ne fasse partie
d'une \'{e}conomie merveilleusement r\'{e}ussie en ce qui 
concerne l'oeuvre comme entit\'{e}.  Le
r\'{e}sultat de cette phase de lecture constitue une 
nouvelle interpr\'{e}tation enrichie des deux
fonctions de langues sup\'{e}rieures - interpr\'{e}tation 
qui, \`{a} sa mani\`{e}re, \'{e}limine sinon la
th\'{e}orie tentative du moins le r\'{e}cit communicatif.

Les traits oppos\'{e}s des deux lectures sautent aux yeux: 
Le r\'{e}cit communicatif para\^{i}t
st\'{e}r\'{e}otyp\'{e} et opportuniste.  Il semble \^{e}tre 
le miroir d'un public contemporain.  Un public
dont on voit peint le portrait.  Par contre le r\'{e}cit de 
connaissance nous int\'{e}resse tous,
du fait qu'il r\'{e}v\`{e}le un message ind\'{e}pendant de 
l'\'{e}poque historique o\`{u} l'oeuvre a paru. 
Un message d'importance pour l'humanit\'{e}.  Il est le 
plus souvant de nature
r\'{e}volutionnaire et \'{e}galement peu apte \`{a} 
\^{e}tre ouvertement pr\'{e}sent\'{e}. 

Je peux bri\`{e}vement r\'{e}sumer les perspectives 
qu'ouvrent mes analyses: A partir de
la p\'{e}riode classique, o\`{u} les auteurs se trouvaient 
divis\'{e}s par la "Querelle des Anciens et
des Modernes", le genre romanesque a cr\'{e}\'{e} une 
langue litt\'{e}raire ambigu\"{e}.  Cette langue
s'est d\'{e}velopp\'{e}e au cours des si\`{e}cles 
jusqu'\`{a} sa culmination dans "Le nouveau roman".

D\'{e}chiffrer la langue litt\'{e}raire ambigu\"{e}, qui 
semble vouloir \`{a} tout prix tromper les
lecteurs (chose curieuse: tromper de sorte que les lecteurs 
ne s'aper\c{c}oivent pas du vrai
message, et de sort que les lecteurs se contentent de la 
banalit\'{e} de son r\'{e}cit
communicatif) - cela exige justement une th\'{e}orie de la 
croissance de notre connaissance. 
Contrairement \`{a} ce qu'on pense ordinairement, les 
oeuvres d'art gagnent beaucoup en
richesse, lorsqu'elles sont lues et analys\'{e}e au travers 
des principes du rationalisme
critique.  

Pour plus d'informations \'{e}crire \`{a} Bente B{\o}ggild, 
Udbyh{\o}jvej 186, 8900 Randers, le
Danemark.  
% [HPG]

\subsection{POSITIVISMUS ODER POSTPOSITIVISMUS?
 - Michael Schmidt}



Kritische Bemerkungen zu Jeffrey Alexanders 
Neubegr\"{u}ndung der
soziologischen Theorie im Lichte der Methodologie Karl 
Poppers.
\footnote{Untersuchung zu J. Alexander, {\em Theoretical Logic in 
Sociology, Vol. 1, Positivism,
Presuppositions and Current Controversies}. Routledge \& 
Kegan Paul, London/Henley
1982.}


\WPindent{
Michael Schmid

Universit\"{a}t Augsburg}




In den Jahren von 1982-1983 hat Jeffrey Alexander, 
Professor f\"{u}r Soziologie an der
Universit\"{a}t of California, Los Angeles, ein 
vierb\"{a}ndiges Konvolut%
\footnote{%
 J.C. Alexander, {\em Theoretical Logic in Sociology, Vol. 
1, Positivism, Presuppositions and
Current Controversies}. Routledge \& Kegan Paul, 
London/Henley 1982; {\em Vol. 2, The Antinomies
of Classical Thought: Marx and Durkheim}, London/Henley 
1982, {\em Vol. 3, The Classical Attempt
at Theoretical Synthesis: Max Weber}, London/Henley 1983, 
{\em Vol. 4, The Modern Reconstruction
of Classical Thought: Talcott Parsons}, London/Henley 1983.%
}%
 erscheinen lassen, das
einen \"{u}beraus ehrgeizigen Plan verfolgt: Die 
soziologische Theorie soll aus ihrer
Zersplitterung in verschiedenartige, sich wechselseitig 
bek\"{a}mpfende Schulen erl\"{o}st und
in der Form einer einheitlichen Handlungstheorie 
rekonstruiert werden.  Alexander
verfolgt dieses Programm vermittels einer eingehenden 
Untersuchung einer Reihe
klassischer' Theorien (der Werke von Marx, Durkheim, Weber 
und Parsons), deren
jeweiligen Beschr\"{a}nkungen und Einseitigkeiten dazu 
benutzt werden, die von ihm
favorisierte, vereinheitlichte 'theoretische Logik in der 
Soziologie' (so der Obertitel aller
vier Volumina) kontrastreich zu dokumentieren.  Sinn und 
Verdienst einer solchen
Zielsetzung m\"{o}chte ich ebensowenig kommentieren wie 
deren Verwirklichungschancen,
obgleich, wie mir scheint, einige kritikw\"{u}rdigen 
Unzul\"{a}nglichkeiten der Alexanderschen
Bem\"{u}hungen unschwer ins Auge fallen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. die Diskussion um den Alexanderschen Versuch eines 
synthetisierenden Neubeginns
der theoretischen Soziologie bei R. Collins, Jeffrey 
Alexander and the Search for
Multidimensional Theory, {\em Theory and Society}, 14, 
1985, S. 877-892, T. Burger,
Multidimensional Problems: A Critique of Jeffrey 
Alexander's Theoretical Logic in Sociology,
{\em The Sociological Quarterly}, 27, S. 75-90, H. Joas, 
Ein Schritt vorwa5rts, zwei Schritte zuru5ck.
Jeffrey Alexanders Neofunktionalismus als theoretisches 
Geru5st der Soziologie?, Skript,
Erlangen 1987.  Ich selbst ha5tte u5ber die in diesen 
Arbeiten diskutierten Einwa5nde hinaus
zu anzumerken, da{\ss} in meinen Augen die Skala, 
vermittels derer Alexander den Tatbestand der
Multidimensionalita5t ausdru5cken mo5chte, logisch 
fehlerhaft konstruiert ist, und da{\ss} ich die
im ersten Band, S. 64-112 vorgestellte Rekonstruktion der 
soziologischen Handlungstheorie fu5r
bedauernswert unzula5nglich halte.%
}%
.  Vielmehr m\"{o}chte ich die Aufmerksamkeit auf
einen augenscheinlich ganz nebens\"{a}chlichen Teilaspekt 
des Alexanderschen
Unternehmens lenken, auf die im ersten Band ausf\"{u}hrlich 
diskutierte \"{U}berzeugung, da{\ss}
dessen Durchf\"{u}hrung der Unterst\"{u}tzung einer 
'postpositivistischen' Philosophie
bed\"{u}rfe%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Alexander, 1982, Vol. 1, S. 5ff.%
}%
.  Mit ihrer Hilfe soll verhindert werden, da{\ss} 
philosophische Probleme
ausschlie{\ss}lich dort identifiziert werden und diskutiert 
werden, wo das Wechselverh\"{a}ltnis
von (empirischen) Verallgemeinerungen und empirischen 
Befunden zur Debatte steht oderdie Beziehung zwischen 
Theorien und ihrer \"{U}berpr\"{u}fungsbasis, wodurch in der
Auffassung von Alexander nur ein sehr eingeschr\"{a}nktes 
Verst\"{a}ndnis der Problemlage
erm\"{o}glicht wird.  Vielmehr geht es seiner Meinung nach 
darum, die sehr viel
anspruchsvollere Fragestellung zu verfolgen, in welchem 
Umfang und mit welcher
Berechtigung man bei der Erstellung von Theorien bestimmte 
(innerhalb der
positivistischen und empiristischen Tradition zumeist 
unbeachtet gelassene)
methodologische, ideologische, modellogische und vor allem 
metaphysische
Voraussetzungen machen mu{\ss}.  Dies ist in letzter 
Instanz gleichzusetzen mit der Frage
nach den Bedingungen der M\"{o}glichkeit von empirisch 
gehaltvollen Theorien oder Thesen,
womit gleichzeitig ein eigenlogischer Problembereich 
ausgegrenzt wird, der genau
insoweit eine autonome Behandlung beanspruchen darf, als 
sich die Standards m\"{o}glicher
Probleml\"{o}sungen der empirischen Erfahrung nicht werden 
entnehmen lassen.

Der Anerkennung dieses Sachverhaltes aber steht in den 
Augen Alexanders
entgegen, da{\ss} die \"{u}bergro{\ss}er Mehrheit aller 
Soziologen die Bedeutung jener trans-empirischen 
Bedingungen der Hypothesenbildung und -\"{u}berpr\"{u}fung 
\"{u}bersehen. 
Alexander h\"{a}lt eine derartige Verk\"{u}rzung der 
wissenschaftlichen Reflexion f\"{u}r den
Auswuchs einer kollektiv wirksamen 'positivistischen 
Verf\"{u}hrung'%
\footnote{%
 Alexander 1982, Vol. 1, S. 5, 140f., 48, 33, 7 u.a.%
}%
, der man
entgegenzutreten habe.  Infolge eines solchen Schrittes 
soll verst\"{a}ndlich werden, da{\ss} die
entscheidenden Divergenzen zwischen sich widerstreitenden 
soziologischen Schulen
nicht darin zum Ausdruck kommen, da{\ss} sie ganz 
heterogene und bisweilen auch
divergente Teilbereiche der sozialen Realit\"{a}t 
behandeln; jene Divergenzen liegen vielmehr
(auch und gerade) in der Verschiedenartigkeit jener 
implizit mitverhandelten, nicht-empirischen Voraussetzungen 
begr\"{u}ndet, die der erforderlichen metatheoretischen
Klarstellungen wegen offen miteinander konfrontiert, 
einander angeglichen und auf einen
gemeinsamen und vertr\"{a}glichen philosophischen Nenner zu 
bringen sind, um das
\"{u}bergeordnete Ziel, das soziologische Denken mit einer 
einheitlichen 'theoretischen Logik'
zu versehen, zu erreichen.  Unabdingbar f\"{u}r eine 
ertragreiche Gegen\"{u}berstellung jener
nicht-empirischen 'presuppositions' aber ist - so 
Alexanders mehrfach betonte
\"{U}berzeugung - eine neuartige, postpositivistische 
Philosophie.

Es soll im Folgenden nicht darum gehen, die zentrale 
Doppelthese Alexanders zu
bestreiten, wonach die soziologische Theorienbildung 
trans-empirische Voraussetzungen
besitze und diese zu diskutieren seien, um zu einer 
einheitlichen Auffassung dessen zu
gelangen, was die soziologische Theorienentwicklung 
vorantreibe.  Und ebensowenig
bedarf es einer gesonderten Betrachtung des Arguments, man 
ben\"{o}tige zur \"{U}berwindung
der 'positivistischen Verf\"{u}hrung' einer Philosophie, 
die dazu bef\"{a}higt sei, dem Einflu{\ss}
nicht-empirischer \"{U}berlegungen auf die Konstruktion 
empirischer Theorien nachzugehen. 
Alles dies sei als zutreffend zugestanden.  Strittig 
allerdings scheint mir die
Alexandersche Position in einem anderen Punkt zu sein: 
Alexander bem\"{u}ht sich um eine
Rekonstruktion der Frontlinien, die seinem Verst\"{a}ndnis 
nach eine positivistische
Philosophie von einer postpositivistischen trennen, und er 
vertritt in diesem
Zusammenhang die These, da{\ss} die 
Wissenschaftsphilosophie Karl Poppers eindeutig der
positivistischen Seite zuzurechnen sei.  Alexander 
begr\"{u}ndet diese Zuordnung nicht
n\"{a}her, scheint aber dem Glauben anzuh\"{a}ngen, da{\ss} 
die Auseinandersetzung zwischen
Kuhn und Popper genau dies gezeigt habe, und sieht sich 
\"{u}berdies offenbar durch die
Beurteilungen Poppers seitens einiger Teilnehmer an dem 
damaligen sogenannten
'Positivismusstreit in der deutschen Soziologie' zu seiner 
Deutung ermuntert%
\footnote{%
 Zu Kuhn vgl. Alexander 1982, Vol. 1, S. 24, 27, 146, 150, 
153, 157f.; zur Beurteilung
Poppers durch Habermas vgl. S. 156f.%
}%
.

Ich will g\"{a}nzlich davon absehen, Jeffrey Alexander 
durch eine neuerliche
Rekonstruktion der Popper-Kuhn-Kontroverse und des 
sagenumwobenen
Positivismusstreits \"{u}ber die damals tats\"{a}chlich 
verhandelten Probleme zu belehren, um
auf diesem viel zu aufwendigen Wege seiner Meinung 
entgegenzutreten, Popper sei mit
Gewinn f\"{u}r ein angemessenes Verst\"{a}ndnis der 
Problemlage als ein 'Positivist' zu
kennzeichnen.  Gleichwohl kann ich andererseits nicht 
empfehlen, seine Beurteilung der
Popperschen Philosophie unbesehen stehen zu lassen, denn 
sie ist nachgerade falsch,
mehr noch: sie ist in einem hohen Grade irref\"{u}hrend.  
Diese These m\"{o}chte ich im
nachfolgenden plausibel machen, wobei ich mich von der 
m\"{o}glicherweise tr\"{u}gerischen
Hoffnung tragen lasse, da{\ss} sich eine Klarstellung und 
Korrektur der mi{\ss}gl\"{u}ckten und
verfehlten Lokalisierung der Popperschen Methodologie im 
Lager des Positivismus
insoweit lohnen kann, als auf diese Weise wenigstens 
ansatzweise sichtbar wird, welche
von Alexander v\"{o}llig \"{u}bersehene Bedeutung Poppers 
Denken f\"{u}r die Entwicklung und
St\"{u}tzung seines eigenen Programms besitzen k\"{o}nnte%
\footnote{%
 Burger, 1986, S. 287 scheint diese Deutung der Sachlage zu 
st\"{u}tzen, wenn er darauf
hinweist, da{\ss} Alexander Popper zu leichtfertig beiseite 
schiebe.%
}%
.  Zu diesem Zweck werde ich in
zwei getrennten Abschnitten die Alexanderschen 
Rekonstruktionen der beiden kontr\"{a}ren
wissesnchaftsphilosophischen Lager widergeben, um sodann zu 
untersuchen, inwieweit
Popper die jeweils benannten Definitionsbedingungen des 
positivistischen bzw.
postpositivistischen Standpunkts erf\"{u}llt.

Der Auffassung Alexanders nach%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Alexander 1982, Vol. 1, S. 5-9.%
}%
 beruht die \"{U}berzeugungskraft der {\em positivistischen
Position} auf vier Grundannahmen oder Postulaten und drei, 
das letzte dieser Postulate
erg\"{a}nzenden, Korollarien.  Das erste Postualte geht 
davon aus, da{\ss} zwischen
empirischen Beobachtungen und nicht-empirischen Aussagen 
eine un\"{u}berbr\"{u}ckbare Kluft
bestehe; das zweite Postulat behauptet, da{\ss} wegen 
dieser Kluft allgemeinere
intellektuelle Fragen, die als 'philosophische' oder 
'metaphysische' zu bezeichnen sind,
innerhalb einer empirisch orientierten Disziplin keine 
grundlegende Bedeutung gewinnen
k\"{o}nnen; das dritte Postulat beschreibt eine normative 
Forderung, die sich aus den beiden
ersten ergibt.  Dieser Forderung folgend sollte sich die 
Soziologie um ein 'szientifisches'
Selbstverst\"{a}ndnis bem\"{u}hen, das wie jenes der 
Naturwisssenschaften auf der Festlegung
beruhe, da{\ss} alle nicht-empirischen Bez\"{u}ge zu 
eliminieren seien.  Dem vierten Postulat
zufolge k\"{o}nnen alle 'theoretischen' oder 
'philosophischen' Probleme in korrekter Weise
unter Rekurs auf empirische Beobachtungen, die ihrerseits 
keine (philosophischen) Fragen
aufwerfen, gel\"{o}st werden.  Diesem letzten Postulat 
entsprechen offenbar folgende
Pr\"{a}zisierungen: Ein erstes Korollar behauptet, da{\ss} 
man allen theoretischen Problemen
dadurch asus dem Wege gehen kann, da{\ss} man allgemeine 
Aussagen aus empirischen
Beobachtungen induziert; es gibt demnach Induktion und 
damit enthalten die
allgemeinsten Annahmen, die ein Positivist vertreten hat, 
in letzter Instanz nicht mehr
Bestandteile, als er seiner Beobachtungsbasis entnehmen 
kann.  Dem zweiten Korollar
folgend k\"{o}nnen alle Konflikte zwischen Theorien durch 
empirische Tests entschieden
werden und damit - so formuliert das dritte und letzte - 
gibt es keine eigenst\"{a}ndigen
theoretischen Auseinandersetzungen und Divergenzen.

Ich m\"{o}chte nicht untersuchen, ob diese Rekonstruktion 
es verdient als gelungen
bezeichnet zu werden.  Offenbar ist sie viel zu vage und in 
wichtigen Details unklar
geraten.  Wenn indessen unterstellt werden kann, da{\ss} 
die angef\"{u}hrten Postulate  und
ihre Folges\"{a}tze den wissenschaftsphilosophischen 
Positivismus widerspruchsfrei und
hinreichend bestimmen, dann kann Popper kein Positivist 
sein.  Ich belege diese These,indem ich die angegebenen  
Postulate der Reihe nach mit den jeweiligen Auffassungen
Poppers konfrontiere.

Das erste Postulat ist unpr\"{a}zise und l\"{a}{\ss}t eine 
Reihe unterschiedlicher Auslegungen
zu.  Sollte damit der Tatbestand angesprochen sein, da{\ss} 
einige (positivistische)
Philosophen der \"{U}berzeugung anhingen, da{\ss} sich 
Beobachtungsterme und theoretische
Begriffe nicht aufeinander reduzieren lassen, dann wird man 
sich in Erinnerung zu rufen
haben, da{\ss} Popper der Zwei-Sprachen-Theorie Carnaps 
ebenso widersprochen hat wie
den korrespondierenden Auffassungen Neuraths und Schlicks%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. K.R. Popper, {\em Logik der Forschung}, 2. Aufl., 
T\"{u}bingen 1966, S. 38, 62f., 376ff.,
ders. {\em Die beiden Grundprobleme der Erkenntnistheorie}, 
T\"{u}bingen 1979, Kapitel IX, ders.
{\em Conjectures and Refutations}, New York/Evanston 1968, 
S. 119, 262f., 277ff.%
}%
.  Alle empirischen
Aussagen enthalten unausrottbare theoretische Elemente, 
weshalb es in dem Sinn genau
dieser Popperschen These keinen un\"{u}berbr\"{u}ckbaren 
Hiatus zwischen empirischen
Beobachtungen und nichtempirischen S\"{a}tzen geben wird.  
Dies gilt auch f\"{u}r die inverse
Formulierung des Postulats; wenn es die Vermutung 
aussprechen sollte, da{\ss} Positivisten
darauf festgelegt seien zu leugnen, da{\ss} nichtempirische 
Annahmen einen irgendwie
gearteten Einflu{\ss} auf die Produktion und/oder Akzeptanz 
empirischer Beobachtungen
haben k\"{o}nnten, dann findet eine solche Leugnung in den 
Einsichten Poppers nachweisbar
keine St\"{u}tze.  Popper hat die These, derzufolge es eine 
voraussetzungslose, und in
diesem Sinne reine Beobachtung geben k\"{o}nne, zeitlebens 
verworfen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1966, S. 31 (Anmerkung), 44ff., 48f., 71, 72, 
93, 224f., 366f., 377f., ders.
1968, 23, 38, 41, 44f., 46ff., 118, 115, 173, 187ff., 
190f., 387, ders. 1979, S. 42ff.%
}%
.

Indessen ist Alexanders Bestimmung der nicht-empirischen 
Voraussetzungen
theoretischen Denkens ganz heterogen und umfa{\ss}t u.a. 
auch (ideologische)
Bewertungen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Alexander 1982, Vol. 1, S. 39-46.%
}%
, wobei er davon auszugehen scheint, da{\ss} Positivisten 
eine Trennung
zwischen Wert- und Sachaussagen nur akzeptieren, um 
Bewertungen jeden Einflu{\ss} auf
den Gang der Wissensentwicklung abzusprechen.  Da Popper in 
der Tat daran festhalten
m\"{o}chte, da{\ss} man zwischen Fakten- und Werturteilen 
kategorial trennen solle%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. K.R. Popper, {\em The Open Society and Its Enemies}, 
Vol. 2, 1966, S. 383ff.%
}%
, m\"{u}{\ss}te
man ihn demnach als einen Positivisten einstufen.  Eine 
solche Beurteilung \"{u}bersieht
freilich, da{\ss} Popper zwar den (semantischen) 
Unterschied zwischen Bewertungen und
Sachurteilen anerkennt%
\footnote{%
 Mir ist aus Alexanders Ausf\"{u}hrungen nicht klar 
geworden, welche Interpretation er der
Bedeutungsdifferenz zwischen Fakten-und Wertaussagen gibt, 
weshalb ich auf spekulative
Erweiterungen dieses Diskussionspunktes verzichte. %
}%
, ohne aber daraus die Folgerung zu ziehen, Werturteile 
(aller
Art) spielten f\"{u}r die Erstellung inhaltlicher 
Behauptungen keine nachweisliche Rolle; vom
baren Gegenteil wird einem die Lekt\"{u}re von Poppers 
'Open Society and Its Enemies'
jederzeit \"{u}berzeugen k\"{o}nnen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. K.R. Popper, {\em The Open Society and Its Enemies}, 
Vol. 1 und Vol. 2, London 1966.%
}%
.

Das zweite Postulat, demzufolge metaphysische Fragen 
innerhalb einer strikt
empiristisch verstandenen wissenschaftlichen Disziplin 
keine Bedeutung gewinnen
k\"{o}nnten, ist doppeldeutig.  Es kann einmal meinen, 
da{\ss} metaphysische Aussagen keinen
Sinn haben, der nach \"{u}berkommener positivistischer 
Lehrmeinung davon abh\"{a}ngt, da{\ss}
Aussagen empirisch verifizierbar sind.  Diese Version eines 
empirischen
Sinn(losigkeits)kriteriums hat Popper indessen nie 
vertreten, sondern mit dem Hinweisabgelehnt, da{\ss} 
erstens keine Verifikation (im logischen Sinne des 
Begriffs) gebe und da{\ss}
die empirische \"{U}berpr\"{u}fbarkeit einer Aussage kein 
Kriterium ihrer semantischen
Bedeutung sein k\"{o}nne%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1966, S. 40f., 67, 376ff., ders. 1968, S. 41, 
54f., 112, 114f., 192 u.a.,
ders. 1979, S. 301ff.%
}%
.

Die Alexandersche Formulierung des benannten Postulats kann 
aber auch meinen,
da{\ss} Metaphysiken ohne inhaltlichen Einflu{\ss} auf die 
praktisch-empirische Forschung seien. 
Eine solche These hat Popper zu keiner Zeit verfochten und 
einige seiner Sch\"{u}ler haben
sich eindeutig und von Popper unwidersprochen gegen sie 
ge\"{a}u{\ss}ert%
\footnote{%
 Zum Metaphysikverst\"{a}ndnis Poppers vgl., ders. 1968, 
184ff., 253ff., ders. {\em Realism and
the Aim of Science. From the Postscript to the Logic of 
Scientific Discovery}, Totowa 1983, S.
194ff., ders. 1966, S. 199ff., 223, 319f., 391ff. u.a., 
vgl. auch J.W.N. Watkins, Metaphysics
and the Advancement of Science, {\em British Journal for 
the Philosophy of Science}, 26, 1975, S. 91-121, J. Agassi, 
{\em Science in Flux}, Dortrecht 1975, S. 208-239.%
}%
.  Zwar hat sich
Popper darum bem\"{u}ht, metaphyische Aussagen von 
wissenschaftlichen zu trennen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1979, S. 341ff., ders. 1966, S. 8ff., 14ff., 
54ff., ders. 1968, S. 33ff., 39f.,
52ff., 196ff., 249f., 253ff., 259ff. u.a.%
}%
,
dies aber nicht in der Absicht, damit jede Metaphysik ihres 
Einflusses zu berauben,
sondern um diesen Einflu{\ss} methodologischen Regeln zu 
unterwerfen.  Popper hat, wenn
man so will, die Metaphysik methodologisiert.  Mann kann 
einen solchen Versuch als
unrealisierbar oder unerw\"{u}nscht einsch\"{a}tzen, aber 
ein derartiger Vorbehalt ist mit dem
Hinweis, Popper habe der Metaphysik keinen faktischen 
Einflu{\ss} auf den Gang der
Wissenschaften einger\"{a}umt, nicht zu st\"{u}tzen.

Da{\ss} der Positivismus sich, wie das dritte Postulat 
vorsieht, darauf festlege, die
Soziologie sei dem Ideal der naturwissenschaftlichen 
Forschung zu unterwerfen, welche
auf jede nicht-empirische \"{U}berlegung verzichte, mag 
zutreffen.  Indessen spiegeln sich
in diesem Postulat nicht Poppers \"{U}berzeugungen.  Die 
'Logik der Forschung', das einzige
systematische Werk Poppers, auf das sich Alexander glaubt 
beziehen zu m\"{u}ssen,
behandelt die Frage nicht, inwieweit die 
Sozialwissenschaften dem Vorbild der 'natural
science' zu folgen haben, und die Schriften, in denen sich 
Popper zu dieser Frage \"{a}u{\ss}ert,
legen ihn eher auf die Meinung fest, da{\ss} die 
Sozialwissenschaften jeden Szientismus zu
meiden h\"{a}tten, um den Fallstricken des Historismus, des 
Holismus und des Historizismus
zu entgehen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. K.R. Popper, {\em The Poverty of Historicism}, 
London, ders. 1966, Vol. 1 und Vol. 2.%
}%
.  Um dies zu erreichen, empfiehlt ihnen Popper die Methode 
einer
verstehenden, sogenannten 'situationslogischen' 
Rekonstruktion, die das Handeln von
einzelnen Akteuren als ein rationales, problem- oder 
situationsorientiertes Handeln
begreift, und \"{u}ber-individuelle Ph\"{a}nomene als 
dessen aggregierte, nicht-intendierte
kollektive Konsequenzen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1961, S. 147ff., ders. 1966, Vol. 2, S. 93, 
94, 97, ders. La Rationalit\'{e} et
le statut du principe de rationalit\'{e}, in E.M. Claasens 
(Hrsg.), {\em Le fondements philosophiques des
systemes economiques}, Paris, 1967, 143ff., ders. {\em 
Objective Knowledge. An Evolutionary
Approach}, Oxford 1972, S. 170ff., 178ff. u.a.%
}%
.  Diese \"{U}berzeugungen k\"{o}nnten zwar ihrerseits 
einer Kritik
unterzogen werden, die auf Alexandersche Argumente 
zur\"{u}ckgreifen k\"{o}nnte, wonach es
voreilig sei, menschliches Handeln auschlie{\ss}lich als 
ein 'rationales' zu verstehen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Alexander 1982, Vol. 1, S. 72ff., 79ff., 94ff., ders. 
Vol. 4, S. 13ff.%
}%
 - mit
einem szientifischen' Selbstverst\"{a}ndnis der 
Sozialwissenschaften in dem Sinne, da{\ss} esdie 
Ber\"{u}cksichtigung nicht-empirischer Aussagen verbiete, 
sind sie indessen kaum zur
Deckung zu bringen.  Ganz im Gegenteil dazu hat man die 
nicht-empirischen Bestandteile
des Popperschen Theorieprogramms f\"{u}r die 
Sozialwissenschaften mehrfach identifiziert
und sogar vorgeschlagen, es wegen deren Pr\"{a}dominanz als 
ein 'metaphysisches' zu
bezeichnen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. N. Koertge, Popper's Metaphysical Research Program 
for the Human Sciences,
{\em Inquiry}, 18, 1975, S. 437-462, M. Schmid, {\em 
Handlungsrationalit\"{a}t. Kritik einer dogmatischen
Handlungswissenschaft}, M\"{u}nchen 1979, S. 16-27, ders. 
Die Idee rationalen Handelns und ihr
Verh\"{a}ltnis zur Sozialwissenschaft. Bemerkungen zu Karl 
Poppers Philosophie der
Sozialwissenschaften, in F. Wallner (Hrsg.), {\em Karl 
Poppers Philosophie und Wissenschaft}, Wien
1985, S. 89-107.%
}%
.  Wenn man zu einseitigen Kennzeichnungen neigt, dann 
sollte man
Poppers methodologische Vorschl\"{a}ge f\"{u}r die 
Sozialtheorie als eine Abart der Hermeneutik
verstehen d\"{u}rfen, die einige der zentralen Postulate 
eines empirischen
Theorienverst\"{a}ndnisses, etwa die Forderung nach einer 
durchg\"{a}ngigen empirischen
\"{U}berpr\"{u}fbarkeit allgemeiner theoretischer Aussagen, 
in ganz postpositivistischer Weise
ausdr\"{u}cklich suspendiert%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. etwa Popper, 1967, S. 144.%
}%
.

Auch das vierte Postulat, demzufolge es keine 
eigenst\"{a}ndigen theoretischen
Probleme g\"{a}be und empirische S\"{a}tze, ohne 
philosophische Schwierigkeiten und
Vorbehalte bef\"{u}rchten zu m\"{u}ssen, behauptet werden 
k\"{o}nnten, widerspricht Poppers
methodischen \"{U}berzeugungen.  Man kann sich dies 
vergegenw\"{a}rtigen, indem man die
mit diesem Postulat verbundenen Korollarien betrachtet.  
Zun\"{a}chst die Annahme, es g\"{a}be
Induktionen und daraus folgend die M\"{o}glichkeit, die 
Eigenst\"{a}ndigkeit theoretischer
Formulierungen gegen\"{u}ber empirischen Daten zu leugnen.  
Wenn eine der Popperschen
Leistungen die Zeiten \"{u}berdauern sollte, dann ist es 
seine Kritik am Induktivismus.  Es
kann keinerlei Zweifel geben, da{\ss} es in der Popperschen 
Methodologie der theoretischen
Wissenschaften keinen g\"{u}ltigen Modus induktiven 
Schlie{\ss}ens gibt, womit auch alle jene
Forderungen entfallen, die von der gegenteiligen Auffassung 
ausgehen m\"{o}gen%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1979, S. 3ff., ders. 1966, S. 3ff., ders. 
1972, S. 1ff., ders. 1983, S. 18ff.,
ders., Autobiography, in P.A. Schilpp (ed.), {\em The 
Philosophy of Karl Popper}, La Salle 1974, S.
34ff., 112ff. u.a.%
}%
.  Damit
ist die Autonomie des theoretischen Denkens gegen\"{u}ber 
jeder noch so umfangreichen
'empirischen Basis' best\"{a}tigt und die best\"{a}ndige 
Betonung Poppers, der
Erkenntnisfortschritt bed\"{u}rfe einer k\"{u}hnen, die 
Beschr\"{a}nkungen jeder empirischen
Vorinformation \"{u}bersteigenden theoretischen Fantasie, 
verst\"{a}ndlich%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper 1966, S. 48, ders. 1968, S. 46, 115, 117, 
185f., 191, 220, 231, 239, 245,
ders. 1972, 53, 68, 164 u.a.%
}%
.

Das zweite Korollar, wonach zwischen kontr\"{a}ren 
theoretischen Annahmen vermittels
empirischer Tests entschieden werden k\"{o}nne, findet in 
der Popperschen Methodologie
einigen R\"{u}ckhalt, indessen ist die Alexandersche 
Formulierung dieser Zusatzannahme zu
unbestimmt, um eine genauere Diskussion zuzulassen.  
Deshalb nur soviel: Popper setzt
den Begriff des 'Tests' gleich mit dem nachhaltigen 
Versuch, theoretische Behauptungen
zu falsifizieren%
\footnote{%
 Zur Verwendung von Tests in der Popperschen Methodologie 
vgl. Popper 1966, S. 47,
87, 185ff., 194f., 222, 245, ders. 1968, S. 41, 52, 60, 74, 
103ff., 111ff., 118, 188f., 197, 220,
228, 240, 248, 256, 313 u.a.m.%
}%
, wobei er darauf vertraut, da{\ss} gelungene 
Falsifikationen endg\"{u}ltigseien%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper 1966, S. 47.%
}%
.  Diese letzte Teilthese hat er sp\"{a}terhin in dem Sinne 
abgeschw\"{a}cht, da{\ss} die
Akzeptanz von Falsifikatoren eines Hintergrundwissens 
bed\"{u}rfe, das zumindest eine
alternative Hypothese enthalte, die die verwendeten 
Falsifikatoren st\"{u}tzt, wobei er
indessen zu keinem Zeitpunkt unterstellen wollte, da{\ss} 
damit ein endg\"{u}ltig gesichertes
Wissen in Anspruch genommen worden sei.  Eione solche 
Sicherheit gibt es in keinem
Bereich menschlichen Wissens%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper 1966, S. 12, 20, 22ff., 42, 48ff., 61, 69f., 
232f. u.a., ders. 1972, S. 9ff,
21f., 37, 46ff., 62ff., 97f. u.a.  Die Anzahl der Belege 
lie{\ss}e sich m\"{u}helos vervielf\"{a}ltigen.%
}%
.  Auch jedes empirische (Test-)Wissen ist demnach
unausrottbar 'hypothetisch'.  D.h. aber: Popper war niemals 
testgl\"{a}ubig in dem Sinne,
da{\ss} er empirischen Tests einen gesonderten 
epistemologischen Status zuerkannt h\"{a}tte. 
Da{\ss} Popper auf diese letzlich unabschlie{\ss}bare Suche 
nach wahrem empirischem Wissen
mit einem milden Konventionalismus bez\"{u}glich der 
Basiss\"{a}tze reagiert, mit deren Hilfe
Theoretiker Falsifikationen vorzunehmen w\"{u}nschen%
\footnote{%
 Zur Logik der Basiss\"{a}tze vgl. Popper 1966, S. 60ff.%
}%
, f\"{a}llt so deutlich au{\ss}erhalb jedes
empiristischen Verst\"{a}ndnisses des empirischen Wissens, 
da{\ss} man sich fragen kann,
weshalb Alexander dies \"{u}bersehen konnte.  Dieser 
deutlich konventionalistische
Charakter der Popperschen Basiss\"{a}tze h\"{a}tte ihm 
einen unmi{\ss}verst\"{a}ndlichen Hinweis
darauf geben k\"{o}nnen, da{\ss} Popper an die 
Unmittelbarkeit oder die fraglose Gegebenheit
empirischer Daten, wie sie etwa die (empiristische) Theorie 
der Sinnesdaten vorsieht und
die das Vertrauen in die letztentscheidende 
Schiedsrichterfunktion von Tests h\"{a}tte
untermauern k\"{o}nnen, nie geglaubt hat%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1966, S. XVIII, 60f., 70f., ders. 1968, S. 
82, 95, 180f., 277, 387.%
}%
.  Aus genau diesem Grund f\"{a}llt es ihm auch
nicht sonderlich schwer, bei der Entscheidung zwischen 
metaphysischen Annahmen
jeden Rekurs auf solche empirische Tests zu meiden; man 
kann solche nicht-empirischen
Aussagen auch beurteilen (und letztlich verwerfen), ohne 
sie mit einer eh nicht
verf\"{u}gbaren unmittelbaren und sicheren Erfahrung 
konfrontiert zu haben%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper 1966, S. 29, 1968, S. 193ff., ders. 1983, S. 
195-211.%
}%
.

Alle Unterstellungen des zweiten Erg\"{a}nzungssatzes 
treffen auf Poppers Position
somit nicht zu.

Das das dritte Korollar eine logische Folge des zweiten 
darstellt, dessen G\"{u}ltigkeit
Popper durchgehend bestritten hat, kann er sich entgegen 
der dort formulierten Annahme
jederzeit darauf berufen, theoretische Probleme als 
autonome Probleme anerkannt zu
haben.  F\"{u}r metaphysische Fragen gilt dies a fortiori.  
Popper hat die Autonomie des
theoretischen Denkens in seinem Sp\"{a}twerk durch die 
Einf\"{u}hrung einer eigenst\"{a}ndigen
und eigenlogischen Welt-3 propositionaler Gehalte 
untermauert%
\footnote{%
 Vgl. Popper, 1972, S. 106ff., 153ff., ders. 1974, S. 
143ff., ders. {\em Auf der Suche nach
einer besseren Welt. Vortr\"{a}ge und Aufs\"{a}tze aus 
drei{\ss}ig Jahren}. M\"{u}nchen/Z\"{u}rich 1984, S. 123f.,
180ff.%
}%
.

In der Summe betrachtet, hat er somit allen von Alexander 
angef\"{u}hrten Postulaten
(jedenfalls zumindest einer deren m\"{o}glichen 
Interpretationen) und deren Ableitungen
widersprochen.  Sofern diese Postulate eine positivistische 
Auffassung zweifelsfrei
definieren, kann Popper demnach kein Positivist gewesen 
sein.  War er statt dessen ein
{\em Postpositivist}?



[{\bf {\em Editor's Note:}} Michael Schmid geht dieser 
Frage im zweiten Teil seines Beitrages nach,
den wir in der n\"{a}chsten Ausgabe des {\em Newsletter} 
abdrucken.]
% [HPG]

\subsection{POPPER'S RULE CONCERNING THE ACCEPTANCE OF BASIC 
STATEMENTS - Robert Nola}
% [center]


{\bf 
% [Center]
Department of Philosophy, University of Auckland.
% [center]


}

Throughout {\em The Logic of Scientific Discovery} (LSD) 
Popper proposes a number of
rules which, he thinks, ought to govern the scientific 
enterprise and which comprise his
theory of scientific method.  Some of these rules have been 
extensively debated.  Hardly
discussed is a rule in which Popper proposes to eliminate 
all observations which do not
arise in the course of the testing of a theory.%
\footnote{%
% [FNote] One brief discussion can be found in John Watkins 
{\em Science and Skepticism} (Princeton
University Press, Princeton, 1984), pp. 250-1.%
}%
  I wish to argue that such a rule ought
to have no place in any theory of method because it would 
exclude much that is valuable
in science.

In the LSD 30 Popper claims that `basic statements are 
accepted as the result of
a decision or agreement...' and that such `decisions are 
reached in accordance with a
procedure governed by rules'.  In fact Popper gives us no 
full set of rules for the
acceptance of basic statements, but he does mention two 
such rules.  First there is a
rule which tells us what is a basic statement.  This is set 
out in LSD 28, the gist of
which is that basic statements have the form of singular 
existential statements (which
are restricted in scope), i.e., they are of the form: 
(x)[(x is in a finite space time region
R). (x is $\Phi{}$)], where `$\Phi{}$' refers 
to an observable event process or property (`observable'
is left undefined but is explained {\em via} examples).  
Second, there is the rule (LSD 30):



%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Of special importance amongst these [i.e., the rules in 
accordance with
which decisions are made to accept or reject basic 
statements] is a rule
which tells us that we should not accept {\em stray basic 
statements} - i.e.,
logically disconnected ones - but that we should accept 
basic statements
in the course of testing {\em theories}; of raising 
searching questions about
theories, to be answered by the acceptance of basic 
statements.%
}%
%
}%




The rule, as stated, does not fully capture Popper's 
intentions since he subsequently
talks not only of accepting basic statements but also of 
rejecting them.  More explicitly,
the second basic statement rule (BSR) can be expressed as 
follows: BSR:(i) Do not
accept stray basic statements; (ii) only accept or reject 
basic statements in the course
of testing a theory.

In criticizing BSR I wish to set aside objections to the 
"decisionist" or
"conventionalist" view Popper espouses concerning basic 
statements (see the latter
parts of LSD 30) which comprises his anti-foundationalist 
epistemology.  Rather, I wish
to concentrate on the worth of BSR as a rule of scientific 
method.  True, when we test
theories we do, in the course of the testing, accept or 
reject basic statements, and we
ought to do so.  But is the converse the case?  One version 
of the converse can be
expressed factually:  when we (or scientists) accept or 
reject basic statements then we
do so only in the course of testing theories.  This factual 
claim is false, one counter-example being Popper's naive 
inductivist who, while collecting basic statements, has no
particular theory in mind, or has no particular theory 
under test at the time of the
collecting.  However BSR is not factual but normative.  So 
a second version of the
converse is prescriptive:  one {\em ought} only to accept 
or reject basic statements in the
course of testing a theory.  It is this normative form of 
BSR I wish to criticize.

Before doing so there is a further point of unclarity about 
BSR.  Since basic
statements are falsifiable then on Popper's demarcation 
criterion they should at least be
accepted as scientific and not rejected as unscientific.  
Does this mean that BSR is in
conflict with the demarcation rule in excluding a class of 
statements the latter would
include within the realm of science?  If BSR has priority 
over the demarcation rule then
we would lack the entire class of basic statements whereby 
the demarcation rule is
possible.  But perhaps this objection is mistaken because 
there is a mistake about the
purpose of acceptance and rejection in BSR.  Acceptance and 
rejection in BSR may not
be for the purpose of classifying statements as scientific 
or non-scientific.  Perhaps
acceptance and rejection in BSR are for the purpose of 
testing theories.  If so, BSR is a
uninteresting analytic truth about basic statements.  More 
likely Popper intends
acceptance and rejection in BSR for the purpose of 
assigning a truth-value to basic
statements; that is, we are to accept a basic statement as 
true or reject a basic
statement as false only in the course of testing a theory, 
and not otherwise.  Such an
interpretation fits better with Popper's 
anti-justificationism for basic statements.  We can
accept them as true or reject them as false recognizing 
that a different verdict may be
possible for each basic statement since none of them is 
incorrigible or certain.  

With this point now made we can ask:  should scientists 
only accept basic
statements as true, or reject them as false, while in the 
course of testing a theory?  I will
answer `NO!'  Scientists should be permitted to accept a 
basic statement as true or to
reject it as false while not currently testing any 
particular theory.  The reason is that the
stock of significant observations made in science would be 
seriously depleted and
science thereby rendered less progressive than it has been. 
 I will cite four examples of
observational reports which can be expressed in the form of 
basic statements, which are
important observations, which are `stray' in the sense of 
BSR and which have been, and
{\em ought} to have been, accepted without these statements 
arising in the course of testing
a theory.  

{\em Example 1}:  As is well known, Alexander Fleming 
noticed that one of his culture
plates contained staphylococcal colonies which were 
undergoing dissolution near a
foreign contaminating mould.  Being an untidy worker 
Fleming%
\footnote{%
 For an interesting account of Fleming's discovery and his 
work habits see R. Hare, {\em The
Birth of Penicillin} (London, George Allen and Unwin, 
1970).%
}%
 did not throw the plate
away but kept it as a curiosity and subsequently 
transferred bits of the contaminating
mould to other culture plates.  Though Fleming was working 
on a number of problems
that led him to make the culture plates in the first place, 
none of this bears on his
observing what was happening on the contaminated plate.  
Fleming did have an interest,
going back to the First World War, in the problem of 
infected wounds and, in particular,
of whether or not there were non-toxic antibacterial 
agents; and perhaps this interest
lead him to take a closer look on that fateful day at what 
is a common occurrence with
culture plates, viz., contaminating mould.  Certainly 
Fleming was not testing any
particular theory at the time he made his report.  His 
attention was simply grabbed by
what had occurred on one of his culture plates.  Should 
Fleming have acted in
accordance with BSR?  We would all be the poorer if he had.

Some might suggest that BSR be understood differently.  
Basic statements are not
to be only accepted or rejected by scientists in the course 
of their testing a theory; they
are to be accepted or rejected according to whether 
scientists entertain some belief or
hypothesis to which they are logically connected, or the 
scientists have some
expectation, conscious or unconscious, with which they are 
logically connected.  Clearly
this is very different from BSR and involves considerable 
broadening of the conditions
under which basic statements are to be accepted or 
rejected.  However it does accordwith claims Popper makes 
elsewhere about theory-driven observations in contrast with
those philosophers who espouse a more empiricist view of 
observation.

There are two objections to this weakened version of BSR.  
First, for any basic
statement that might be accepted or rejected there is 
always some hypothesis that could
be gerrymandered as the object of belief of a scientist or, 
more weakly, as the conscious
or {\em unconscious} expectation of a scientist.  In such a 
weakened form BSR would be
trivially true but hardly a claim worthy of attention.  
Second, and more significantly, to
have a genuinely informative version of the weakened BSR in 
the case of Fleming we
would have to show that he ought not to have accepted his 
observation report
(expressed in basic statement form) unless Fleming actually 
did have a belief, or a
conscious or unconscious expectation, to the effect that, 
say, contaminating mould do
not normally kill off staphylococci.  But this is 
unacceptable.  As a matter of fact Fleming
held no such belief, nor had any such expectation, since 
such contaminating mould were
often found in the culture dishes of experimental 
scientists, Fleming included.  Nor {\em ought}
Fleming to have held any such belief, nor {\em ought} he 
had to have any such expectation,
{\em in order to} accept his observational report of what 
was happening on the contaminated
plate.  There is simply no ground for such a prescription.

{\em Example 2}:  In 1822 Dr. William Beaumont was lucky 
enough to come across the
unfortunate Alexis St. Martin who had been shot in the 
abdomen.  He had survived but
his wound had not healed and left a permanent hole in the 
region of his stomach.  Since
no one had previously observed the processes of digestion 
the curious Dr. Beaumont
struck up a relationship with the hapless St. Martin that 
enabled him to frequently peer
into the wound to see what was going on.  Here is a sample 
of Beaumont's
observations:  `At 9 o'clock he breakfasted on bread, 
sausages and coffee, and kept
exercising.  11 o'clock, 30 minutes, stomach two-thirds 
empty, aspects of weather
similar, thermometer 29
% [Sub]
o
% [sub]
 [F], temperature of stomach 101 1/2
% [Sup]
o
% [sup]
 and 100 3/4
% [Sup]
o
% [sup]
.  The
appearance of contraction and dilation and alternate piston 
motions were distinctly
observed at this examination.  12 o'clock, 20 minutes, 
stomach empty.'%
\footnote{%
 For a brief account of Beaumont's work see R. Harr\'{e}, 
{\em Great Scientific Experiments}
(Oxford, Phaidon, 1981); the quotation is from p. 44.%
}%
  Beaumont's
observations give us the first account of what actually 
goes on inside a person's
stomach, something of considerable interest to medical 
science.  Clearly there is no
theory under test here!  Of course Beaumont did perform 
some experiments such as
extracting stomach juices from St. Martin to test various 
hypotheses about how the
juices perform their action on food.  But none of these 
experiments bear on Beaumont's
important observational record of what went on inside St. 
Martin's stomach from the
time food entered until it left.  On Popper's BSR the 
observation record of the actual
digestive processes in the stomach would be excluded from 
science.

{\em Example 3}:  For a host of reasons meteorologists have 
collected daily rain data and
the maximum and minimum daily temperature, in some cases 
for several centuries.  The
recording of such data is clearly independent of any theory 
of the weather scientists may
hold, especially the testing of some particular weather 
theory.  However such data can
reveal trends, for example whether or not the "greenhouse 
effect" is occurring.  The
"greenhouse effect" is an hypothesis about the heating up 
of the earth due to increasing
amounts of carbon dioxide and other gases in the 
atmosphere.  Meteorologists might
well now be gathering temperature data to test the 
"greenhouse" hypothesis and so their
acceptance and rejection of basic statements about 
temperatures takes place in the
course of the test of a theory.  But such data need not be 
collected {\em only} in the course
of such a test and clearly was not when the "greenhouse" 
hypothesis had not even beenformulated.  Importantly, early 
data collected {\em before} the formulation of the 
hypothesis
is necessary for its test, both now and subsequently.

{\em Example 4}:  Robert Hooke's {\em Micrographia} (1665) 
records the delight of looking for
the first time at the features of small objects under a 
microscope.  Quite untrammelled
by the need to test any theory Hooke both records the 
observations he made and drew
diagrams of what he saw, e.g., the rough point of a pin, 
the hairs on the legs of lice, the
pores in cork, the various crystalline shapes of flakes of 
snow, and so on.  The point of
making such observations, carefully and scrupulously 
recorded by Hooke, was to expand
the range of observable phenomena hitherto available to us 
and not to test any particular
theory.  Of course, any of these observations could be used 
by anyone else at any
subsequent time to test some theory, but this is not 
necessary for either the activity of
observing or the significance of the observation made.

What the above examples show is that the collection of data 
can be a significant
scientific activity which can, and {\em should}, on many 
occasions take place in the absence
of any theory contemporaneously under test by the 
collectors of the data.  This is not
to say that data collectors may not have some interest in 
collecting the data.  Rather
that interest need not be an interest entirely driven by 
the need to test some theory as
BSR requires.  Scientists can have other equally legitimate 
interests in collecting basic
statements, i.e., observational reports, besides theory 
testing; e.g., sheer curiosity can
be one impetus for making observations.  It is these 
interests that bestow significance
on the reports.  The interest a scientist has in testing a 
theory would be sufficient to
bestow significance on an observation; but no one 
particular interest is always
necessary.  Observations can become significant in science 
for a host of reasons having
nothing to do with theory testing.  
% [HPG]

\subsection{REPORT ON ANNUAL ONE-DAY CONFERENCE ON THE PHILOSOPHY 
OF SIR KARL
POPPER -
Ray Percival}

The main purpose of the Annual One-Day Conference on the 
Philosophy of Sir Karl
Popper is to stimulate fruitful debate on Popper's 
philosophy.  Hence the challenging
tone of the talks.  Mere exposition is both boring and 
unproductive, and speakers are
encouraged to be as critical as possible.  Such a spirit of 
criticism is in line with Popper's
method of conjecture and refutation:  bold guess followed 
by severe criticism.  The
Conference was well attended by 150 people, some academic 
some from the general
public.  



{\em Popper's Metaphysical Turn}



Alain Boyer was concerned with Popper's changing attitude 
to metaphysics.  Popper
is probably most famous for his demarcation between science 
and metaphysics, which
for decades has been shrouded in confusion.  The logical 
positivists (alias the Vienna
circle) were the first to bring metaphysics into disrepute, 
arguing that it was
meaningless.  Any non-verifiable or non-tautological 
sentence was classed as nonsense
by the Vienna circle.  In one stroke the whole of theology, 
astrology, and many long
respected philosophical doctrines such as determinism, were 
swept away as intellectual
gobbledegook.  Only scientific sentences were then accepted 
as meaningful since the
logical positivists thought they were verifiable.  This is 
the famous verifiability criterion.

Popper also wanted to demarcate science from such things as 
astrology, but his
approach was fundamentally different to that of the logical 
positivists, though Popper
is even now erroneously thought to dismiss metaphysics as 
meaningless.  On the
contrary, Popper thinks that metaphysics is both meaningful 
and important.  It is worth
expanding a little on this.

In my interpretation the purpose of Popper's demarcation 
criterion is a solution to
the problem:  how do we make our knowledge grow as fast as 
possible without
promoting error.  Scientific statements for Popper are 
those that must be falsifiable by
experiment or observation.  If our aim in science is to 
increase knowledge, then we want
to have the most general statements since they contain more 
information than singular
statements.  The most general statements are universal, 
applying to all space and time. 
At the same time, recognizing our fallibility, we want to 
have some control over our
conjectures.  There are two possibilities:  confirmation or 
refutation.  Now we cannot
confirm a universal statement, since this would require an 
examination of every point in
time and space, which is logically impossible.  But we can 
refute a universal statement,
since all we need is one negative instance.  (This is where 
Popper differs greatly from
the logical positivists, since the criterion made the most 
informative statements of
science - universal statements - meaningless.)  The 
positivist's criterion also ascribed
scientific status to many metaphysical statements such as: 
"There is a Devil".  Alain
Boyer's talk had three parts.  The first part dealt with 
the object and the style of
Popper's {\em The Logic of Scientific Discovery}, his 
second great work on the philosophy of
science.  The second part concerned the origins of Popper's 
metaphysical turn, while the
final section was a sketchy presentation of a Popperian 
philosophy of nature.

Boyer pointed to the great style of {\em The Logic of 
Scientific Discovery}, something
which he thinks derives from the unity of the work, which 
in turn springs from Popper's
clear view of his objectives in this work.  The first 
target of the work is the elimination
of psychologism in every problem area:  sociology, logic, 
epistemology, and even
psychology.  Psychologism, the analysis of the origin of a 
theory, is no part of the logicof knowledge.  The 
epistemologist should have no concern with the psychological
processes that lead to the generation of an idea, since the 
truth of a theory or the
validity of an argument can be assessed independently of 
its origins.  Psychologism is
the neglect of what Popper calls World Three:  all theories 
and arguments, considered
as objective products of the mind and having an autonomous 
existence.

The second target of the book was the elimination of 
metaphysics.  Metaphysical
sentences are, of course, meaningful, but in {\em The Logic 
of Scientific Discovery} Popper
identifies the scope of rationality and scientificity with 
testability.  Accordingly, at the
stage of Popper's thought, everything which is not testable 
is not decidable; it is a
matter of faith, an irrational decision.

The element of decision in LSD is a dominant feature, which 
is less conspicuous 
in his later work.  Boyer says that Popper was never a 
dogmatic falsificationist, but in
the thirties, popper was, one might call, a decisionist 
falsificationist.  There is not a
single reference to the concept of decision in the Post 
Script to LSD (subtitled: Twenty
Years On).

Popper's attitude to metaphysics changed dramatically in 
the 1940s when he was
writing {\em The Open Society and its Enemies.}  In this 
book Popper deals with the Greek
philosophers, and it is clear that in writing the book he 
came to realize that metaphysical
ideas are arguable even if not empirically refutable.  
Before this metaphysical turn
metaphysical assertions were made more amenable to rational 
assessment in the LSD
by translating them into methodological rules.  Thus the 
principle of the uniformity of
nature can be rendered as the rule never to stop looking 
for laws.

In the article What is Dialectic (1937) Popper still held 
to the idea that reason alone
cannot decide between theories.  In the 1940s Popper came 
to a slightly different
position:  that not all metaphysical theories were as good 
as one another, so one could
argue reasonably between various metaphysical positions.  
Such theories can be judged
by the standards of logical coherence, compatibility with 
well-tested scientific theory,
and the ability to solve the problem for which they were 
introduced.

This change of attitude brought with it a change in 
Popper's problem situation. 
Whereas in 1933 demarcation took precedence over the 
problem of induction, in the
Postscript induction is regarded as the central problem.  
Boyer quotes a significant
sentence from the Postscript:  "The problem of demarcation 
is to be distinguished from
the far more important problem of truth".    

Alain Boyer's main conclusion was that Popper became more a 
speculative
metaphysician and cosmologist.  The transcendental logic of 
Kant was replaced by what
Popper calls the logic of the situation, and that is why 
evolutionary epistemology became
so important.



{\em Freud and the Philosophy of Science: Why Popperians 
are in for a Shock}.



Dr. Christopher Badcock's talk was excellently delivered, 
clear and provocative.  His
contribution stirred much fruitful controversy, but it 
lacked a substantive attack on
Popper's philosophy.  Most of the talk was concerned with 
an exposition of the marriage
of Freudian theory, which Badcock regards as a loosely knit 
set of astute observations
of behaviour, and Sociobiology, which supposedly explains 
the former.  

Freud's theory of infantile sexuality, for instance, points 
to a set of behaviours
which only make sense in an evolutionary context:  as the 
infant's way of soliciting
parental investment that would not otherwise be 
forthcoming, and therefore contributing
to the survival of the infant's genetic material.  For 
example, excessive sucking of the
mother's nipples (oral stage) has a contraceptive effect, 
and may have evolved because
any individual that practises it will postpone the birth of 
rival siblings and therebyincrease its own genetic 
reproducibility.  Again, Oedipal behaviour may have evolved
mainly as a way of raising parental investment.  

Badcock's arguments against Popper were rather less 
substantive.  Badcock even
opened with an anecdote that was intended to belittle the 
philosophy of science itself. 
Badcock was in Italy drinking coffee in a piazza, and in 
the middle of the piazza there
was a policeman standing on a platform holding a baton and 
a whistle.  A chaos of
traffic was circling round the policeman as he whistled and 
waved his baton.  Badcock
said to his companion:  is anyone taking the slightest bit 
of notice of the policeman?  A
few moments later the policeman answered his question when 
he got down from the
platform and went off.  The traffic continued without 
showing any indication that he had
been there at all.  Badcock said that he sometimes feels 
that philosophers of science are
just like that policeman:  they wave their batons and blow 
their whistles, but science
goes its own way nevertheless.

A strong claim, no doubt, but false.  Strangely, the one 
example that Badcock
offered of a scientist dismissing Popper's thought on 
method, the astro-physicist
Stephen Hawking, actually enforces Popper's view.  One 
could easily give a long list of
prominent scientists who have been influenced by Popper in 
both their method and
theory.  Peter Medawar, the immunologist, has written many 
books on science which
advocate Popper's ideas.  Ilya Prigogine, the Nobel prize 
winning chemist, makes
considerable use of Popper's ideas on constrained chaos and 
irreversibility in physics and
chemistry.  In his book, {\em The Cosmic Blueprint}, Paul 
Davies, Professor of Theoretical
Physics at the University of Newcastle upon Tyne, draws on 
Popper's arguments in
favour of indeterminism and the importance of World Three 
in evolution.  

But the beneficial influence of the philosophy of science 
is not confined to the
recruitment of Popperian knights, but also included the 
generation of dissent and debate. 


In Badcock's view this picture of the philosopher 
impotently waving his baton is the
most sympathetic description of the philosopher's role.  At 
worst, says Badcock, the
philosopher of science can inhibit the more radical 
developments within science by
applying too much criticism before the new ideas have been 
given a chance to blossom. 
But Popper has been keen to encourage the defense of new 
theories even against what
at first seems insurmountable objections.  It may take some 
time before the real strength
of a theory becomes evident.  But equally, to discover the 
strength of a theory, one
needs both bold conjecture and severe criticism.  Of 
course, much criticism can
demoralise a theorist and lead him to abandoned a possibly 
important breakthrough.  But
this is a problem of inculcating the proper attitude, and 
does not undermine Popper's
methodology.  And it is within Popper's philosophy that the 
answer to this problem can
be found.  There are three facts that a scientist can draw 
fortitude from.



%
\WPindent{%
1) There is no shame in error, for there is no systematic 
way of avoiding error.  Newton,
despite the falsity of his theory of gravitation, has lost 
none of his greatness.  In
their quest for a breakthrough geniuses often produce a 
great number of false ideas,
which is presumably a sign of their creativity.  Error is a 
sign of intelligence.  There
is shame only in perpetuating error, failing to have the 
courage to make mistakes
and to correct them.%
}%




2)%
\WPindent{%
Theories are objective entities, and should not be seen as 
part of one's personality. 
Hence theories can be criticised and improved as one might 
do to a machine,
without degrading the theorist.  One should look on 
criticism of one's theories as
a compliment; after all, who wants to be ignored?%
}%




3)%
\WPindent{%
Thirdly, to criticise a theory is not to imply that 
presenting the theory is a waste of
time.  On the contrary, one should look on the refutation 
of one's theories as a
worthy discovery in itself.%
}%




Badcock argued that the philosophical "policing" of 
science, according to Badcock,
is futile, and leads to errors of fact.  For example, the 
"crucial" experiment of Newton's
{\em Optics} - separation and recombination of colours by 
prisms - could not be adequately
carried out in his time and the modern definition of the 
length of the meter means that
relativity could not be falsified by any experiments using 
meter lengths.  Nevertheless, 
it would have been foolish to reject these theories because 
they were untestable at the
time.  This, Badcock says, illustrates Kuhn's paradigm 
theory:  Paradigms validate
themselves to a large extent because they set research 
agendas and establish validation
criteria.  

This argument has no merit at all.  The fact that a 
particular crucial experiment
cannot be carried out does not mean that no crucial 
experiment can be found.  More
importantly, Popper's method of conjecture and refutation 
still applies.  After all, it is
only through trial and error that crucial experiments can 
be found and possible ways of
carrying them out discovered.  Badcock's Kuhnian 
alternative is a license for uncontrolled
speculation, since the only valid control of universal 
statements - refutation - is forbidden. 


Badcock's talk was interesting in that it showed how the 
Kuhnian and Lakatosian
confusion between an historical account of science and a 
normative account of science
has caught-on outside of philosophical circles.  Popper was 
concerned with what
scientists ought to do if they wanted to promote the growth 
of knowledge, and not with
what they actually do.  The fact that scientists do not 
always abide by Popperian rules
does not invalidate them.  As David Miller, principal 
lecturer in philosophy at Warwick
University, has aptly said:  the whole of science may be 
wrong.  Not even science can
act as an ultimate authority.

Popperians were not in fact very much shocked by Badcock.  
Most of the
arguments, explicitly attributed to Kuhn, had been heard 
before.  But Badcock did bring
to our notice an important new field of problems and the 
first theoretical attempts to
solved them.  Sociobiology may well turn out to be the most 
exciting science to emerge
in recent years, and deserves careful perusal from 
philosophers of science.  Even if it is
largely metaphysical it may be a very fruitful research 
programme.  



{\em Evolutionary Epistemology}



Professor Michael Ruse argued that there are problems with 
Popper's evolutionary
epistemology.  Popper wished to draw a strong analogy 
between the growth of science
and the growth or development of organisms.  In particular, 
the growth structure of both
science and biological evolution conforms to this model: 
Problems; Blind variation;
Selection.  Ruse attempted to undermine the analogy by 
pointing out that although
science is in an important sense progressive, there is no 
obvious progressiveness in
biological evolution.  Popper, Ruse suggests, is 
uncomfortable about this point, and he
has tried to build into evolutionary theory a quasi 
direction.  (See Popper's
Autobiography, {\em Unended Quest}.  p.173-177).  If he had 
succeeded in introducing
orthogenic trends in to evolutionary theory then Popper 
could  have upheld the analogy,
but Ruse felt that Popper had failed to do this.

Ruse's argument is that Popper draws an analogy between 
biological evolution and
scientific advance.  Badcock sees that there are 
differences between the two and thinks
therefore that the analogy fails.  But analogy is not 
identity, and Popper did not intend
to imply identity.  The analogy is not intended to justify 
Popper's view of science, butwas chosen to aid exposition.  
The important similarity between evolution and science
stands:  neither theories nor organisms are instructed by 
the environment but selected
by it.  Ruse's reservation centres around what he takes to 
be the implication that
scientific hypotheses are produced completely at random.  
He is keen to point to the
systematic nature of scientific enquiry.  But neither 
Popper nor Donald T Campbell would
want to deny the systematic nature of science; indeed 
Campbell is at pains to distinguish
his concept of blind trials from random trials.  Scientific 
hypotheses are produced with
background knowledge in mind, and this must act as a filter 
on the scientist's
imagination.  There is systematic constraint on what 
scientists find worth testing.  But
equally, we must acknowledge that while constraining our 
hypotheses we consider;
there are still imaginative leaps into the dark, "blind 
variation" as Campbell likes to call
it.



{\em Debate:  Popper is Substantially Wrong on Marx}



The afternoon debate was between the Libertarian David 
McDonagh (of the
Libertarian alliance) and the Marxist, Professor M. Desai.  
Desai expressed his
astonishment as to how marxist Popper is in certain 
respects, for instance in his
endorsement of the autonomy of sociology and his criticism 
of Mill's psychologism. 
Popper also praises Marx for his understanding of the 
importance of unintended
consequences.  Desai sees the Open Society as an attack on 
totalitarianism, and on that
understanding Marx does not belong with Hegel and Plato who 
are undoubtedly
totalitarian.  Marx, Desai maintained, believed in real 
freedom.

Desai's focus of attack was on Popper's treatment of Marx's 
prophecies.  Popper
credits Marx with the discovery that unintended 
consequences to human action is the
key to the social sciences.  This, however, was not Marx's 
discovery but Adam Smith's.
(Dr. David Miller interjected at this point to say that it 
was actually David Hume's
discovery.)  The whole Scottish Enlightenment program of 
explanation was based on this
idea.  Their program was to construct a theory of society 
on the basis of time series data
plus variation between social circumstances.  Desai 
emphasized that to have a stage
theory of history does not tie you to a prophetic theory.  
Is Marx a prophet, as Popper
maintains?  Capital has very little prophecy in it.  It is 
overwhelmingly concerned with
the operating principles of capitalism, and not with the 
transition between feudalism and
capitalism or that from capitalism to socialism.  Desai 
stresses that the operation of
capitalism was indeed Marx's life-long preoccupation, his 
prophetic period being largely
confined to his early years as a writer.  

Contrary to popular interpretations, the predictions that 
Marx made were a)
conditional; b) part of a model, which has to be tested as 
a whole; and c) recognized as
having an effect on what actually does happen.  

Marx's class model is wrongly interpreted by Popper.  There 
is, of course a two
class model in the Communist Manifesto and Das Capital, and 
this model is used to
make certain abstract explanations and predictions.  But if 
one looks at the three
pamphlets on France, with their analysis  of a particular 
historical situation, Marx
abandons the two-class model and furnishes a much more 
complex analysis.



David McDonach opened with an apology.  Whether the motion 
is true or false,
Popper's book {\em The Open Society and its Enemies} is one 
of the most stimulating books
ever written, surpassing even outstanding books such as 
{\em The Health Hazards of Not
Going Nuclear} by Petra Beckman and {\em The Ultimate 
Resource}, by Julian Simon.  Popper
himself has said that it is better to have a stimulating 
false theory than a dull true theory. 


David did maintain that Popper is substantially right on 
Marx, but nevertheless was
critical of certain aspects of Popper's treatment.  When he 
first read {\em The Open Society}
David was a Marxist and his adherence survived the reading, 
so although it is
substantially right on Marx it is a very poor attack.  On 
rereading the book he was able
to see why.  Popper actually eulogizes Marx to an excessive 
degree.  And this eulogy
of Marx is not in the least warranted, for the sad truth 
was that Marx was not only a
failure but, much worse, a charlatan.  By the time of the 
1870s marginal revolution in
economics, which Marx being an avid reader of economics, 
must have known about, 
Marx knew that the game was up.  (He probably first 
encountered traces of it in
Gossen's work of the 1850s.) In the last decade of his life 
Marx was looking failure in
the face.  (The book which prompted the insight was {\em 
Marx Contra Engels:  the Tragic
Dilemma}, by Norman Levine.)  Round about 1870 Marx became 
demoralised, but did not
admit it and did not discourage Engels.  Engels had 
virtually to bully Marx into publishing
volume one in 1867.  

In his treatment of Marx Popper makes the bold claim that 
the labour theory of
value does not matter much to Marx.  a marvellously bold 
claim, but rather like saying
that Allah does not matter to Islam.  On the contrary, the 
labour theory of value is of
central importance to Marx, and this is why Marx was such a 
failure.  Nevertheless,
Popper goes on to redeem himself, for he asserts that the 
labour theory of value can do
no more than the theory of supply and demand.  Moreover, 
the labour theory of value
is not adequate to the task that Marx set it, and he has in 
the end to take on board
supply and demand.  Marx begins his analysis in {\em 
Capital} with a straightforward labour
theory of value, but subsequently introduces supply and 
demand theory in surreptitious
steps through his definition of socially necessary labour 
time.  All this excellent argument
against the labour theory of value is, unfortunately, lost 
in the eulogy of Marx and in
Popper's strange claim that it does not matter any way.  
% [HPG]

\subsection{RAIMONDO CUBEDDU ON MILLER'S {\em POPPER SELECTIONS}
 - Raimondo Cubeddu, Pisa}

I spent some time looking at David Miller's, 
{\em Popper Selections}%
\footnote{%
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985.  %
}%
, section 23 -
which is entitled {\em Historicism (1936)}, and section 24 
- which is entitled {\em Piecemeal Social
Engineering}{\em  (1944)} - , of Part IV {\bf Social 
Philosophy}, pages 289-318.  All of us know the
circumstances of its publication through evidence provided 
by Popper, himself.  But there
remains some question regarding the date of "1936," given 
in brackets.  As Miller,
himself, writes on page 465 in the Editorial Note, Sources, 
and Acknowledgements: 
"'Historicism.'  This consists of the Introduction, 
sections 12, 14-16 and 27 of {\em The
Poverty of Historicism}; this was first read at a private 
meeting in Brussels in 1936.  Two
substantial cuts have been made in section 27;" and on page 
466: "'Piecemeal Social
Engineering.'  This consists of the sections 20, 21, and 24 
of {\em The Poverty of
Historicism}, this was first published in {\em Economica} 
IX, 1944, and XII, 1945.  Some cuts
have been made at the beginnings and ends of sections," 
which makes us think that
section 23 contains pieces taken from the text read in 
Brussels.  This would have been
of great interest in order to find out exactly what sort of 
conception Popper had of
{\em Historicism}, before becoming familiar with Hayek and 
his essay {\em Scientism and the Study
of Society}, which appeared in {\em Economica} IX, 1942, X, 
1943, XI, 1944.  And to
understand also what he really owed to Hayek, as far as his 
methodology on 'theoretical
social sciences' was concerned (which can be seen, 
nevertheless, trying to read {\em The
Poverty} without the references to Hayek).  I agree on the 
fact that we are dealing with
a merely scholarly interest, perhaps even just a personal 
curiosity.  But when you are
dealing with the {\em Classics}, even this kind of problem 
is relevant in its own way, and
perhaps even a general interest.

Such a curiosity of mine, however, has not been satisfied.  
On the contrary it has
become even stronger.  In fact, not only in section 23 of 
the edited by Miller are there
paragraphs taken from the edition of {\em The Poverty of 
Historicism}, 1957 (whose text is
different to the one published in {\em Economica}).  But 
the same paragraphs published in
section 24 are not taken from the text published in {\em 
Economica}, but are also from the
1957 edition.  Such a comparison, even if it is rather a 
superficial one, between the
three texts allows us to see that the essays published by 
Miller are those of the 1957
edition and not those published in {\em Economica}. It's 
true that most of the time it's a
matter of modifications of a formal kind, or added pieces 
(which are more or less
consistent) in the 1957 edition (for example, here the 
Introduction is longer, and is
different from the initial paragraph of {\em Economica}).  
What we can't work out is why
Miller, who made an exemplary choice of essays, accompanied 
them with misleading
editorial indications.  

I've not the slightest intention to support the 
substantiality of the modifications, nor
do I want to exaggerate the importance of them, inasmuch as 
I think that we are dealing
with philological matters.  Nevertheless, I would have 
liked to and i would be very
interested in reading the 1936 text.  And I hope that one 
day it might be published, if
it still exists.  But the realization of such hopes does 
not depend on scholars like us.  We,
if anything, even on the basis of these brief indications, 
can wonder if a philological
comparison between the text of {\em Economica} and the text 
of the 1957 edition, is nothing
but a kind of pastime for scholars.  Don't you think that 
we should find out if these
modifications are simply stylistic improvements and 
clarification of concepts, or if, on
the other hand, they are something different and more 
interesting?  
% [HPG]

\subsection{POPPER'S NEW BOOK: {\em A WORLD OF PROPENSITIES}
}

{\bf From the preface:} 



I am of course not certain whether the two lectures which I 
here submit to the
patient perusal or the possible refusal of my readers are, 
as I hope, the best I have
produced so far; nor is this question, I admit, of any 
importance.  But I wish to convey
to my readers that I have worked hard to make them the 
best, since I myself have, in
writing them, been able to learn things of great importance 
to myself.  

I am grateful to have been able to do this in my 87th and 
88th year, despite the
drawbacks of failing memory.  

A shorter version of the first lecture ["A World of 
Propensities: Two New Views of
Causality"-Ed.] was given on August 24th, 1988 before the 
World Congress of
Philosophy at Brighton, under the chairmanship of Professor 
Richard Hare.  A shorter
version of the second lecture ["Toward an Evolutionary 
Theory of Knowledge"-Ed.] was
given on June 9th, 1989 before the Alumni of the School at 
the London School of
Economics, under the chairmanship of its Director, Dr. I.G. 
Patel.  

I never should have been able to write either of these 
lectures without the help of
my Assistant, Melitta Mew.  

\subsection{
CONSTRUCTIVE REALISM
 - Prof. Dr. Friedrich Wallner}

{\bf
Institute of Philosophy, University of Vienna, Austria
}

\WPindent{%
A. Under the impression of the weak influence of philosophy of 
science to the
natural sciences we elaborated an alternative approach of 
understanding.%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
\WPindent{%
1. The standpoint are the real needs of the working 
scientists.%
}%
%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
2. The main thesis is that science does not describe the 
world, but constructs a
new, an artificial reality.%
}%
%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
3. We apply methods taken from hermeneutics for interpreting 
the sciences -
for instance:  strangification - a kind of distantiation 
(Verfremdung).%
}%
%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
\WPindent{%
5. We are using empirical methods - taken from the 
sociological research of the
research too, for instance interview - methods.%
}%
}%




\WPindent{%
B. Goals of Constructive Realism%



\WPindent{%
1. Self-understanding of the sciences especially the 
scientists (for avoiding that
scientific work is to become alienated work).%
}%




\WPindent{%
2. To get some outlines for organizing the teaching of the 
sciences especially to
reorganize Universities.%
}%




\WPindent{%
3. To make science surveyable for political decisions.%
}%

}%



\WPindent{%
C.The Group

Beside the staff of my Department there are about fifty 
colleagues from different
fields - (psychology, physics, philosophy, sociology, 
economics, etc.) working
with me.%
}%




\WPindent{%
D. I could offer a paper about Constructive Realism in general 
or papers about
special questions of Constructive Realism (connected with 
psychology,
philosophy, biology or physics). %
}%
% [HPG]

\subsection{HEALTH AND JUSTICE
 - Jan Kryspin}

{\bf 
Departments of Rehabilitation Medicine and Physiology

University of Toronto
}

A new theory of health and justice is needed to deal with 
problems of world
stability.  The present, conventional, theory of health, 
based on the Cartesian-Newtonian outlook, draws a 
distinction between mind-body, subject-object, self-world, 
I-it.  Such a theory has done nothing to alleviate the 
current state of global
malaise in which real peace is little more than a distant 
hope, human beings perish of
hunger in a world where there is plenty, and the 
environment is ravaged and
destroyed.  

For the last thirty years I have been working on this 
problem.  I have published a
number of articles in various journals and am now now 
teaching a course:
"Introduction to Chronic Pain Management" at the University 
of Toronto Medical
School based on these principles.  

I propose a spiritual-holistic theory of health, akin to 
the tradition of Cusanus,
Comenius and Leibniz, a 'dynamic equilibrium' which he 
calls 'non-distinction in
distinction.'  He relates this theory of health to John 
Rawls' theory of justification. 
Rawls' theory transcends the older social contract theories 
of Kant, Locke and
Rousseau.  It has three parts.  Firstly, principles of 
justice, whether naturalistic (from
nature) or deductive (from first principles), are utilized 
as applicable in a particular
problem.  Sometimes the judge must use many principles, at 
other times only a few,
to match the facts of a given case.  Secondly, this 
matching of theories with practical
problems must be done by certain institutions or 
operations.  And thirdly, the practice
of administering justice as fairness (justification) 
depends on human beings and their
dialogue.  Every decision in court is reached  by means of 
dialogue, including the
facts and the principles.  This is creative justice.  The 
administration of healing by the
doctor is governed by the same principles as the 
administration of justice by the
judge.  Healing is a dynamic design that reconciles the 
reality of the sick person with
the reality of the healer.  Healing and justification are 
manifestations of a deeper
underlying process, or dynamic design, which is manifest in 
dialogue.  The current
state of western medicine, characterized by a yawning gap 
between the esoteric
knowledge of physicians and that of patients, makes 
dialogue imperative.  
% [HPG]

\section{CONFERENCES}

{\bf past and future:}



\subsection{L'INSTITUTIONNALISME EN QUESTION}



%
\WPindent{%
{\bf 4
% [Sup]
\`{e}me
% [sup]
 Colloque de l'Association Charles Gide pour l'Etude de la 
Pens\'{e}e
Economique (A.C.G.E.P.E.)%
}%


}

%
\WPindent{%
Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille II, Facult\'{e} des Sciences 
Economiques, Marseille, 19 et
20 septembre 1991.%
}%




Colloque International organis\'{e} par le L.A.T.E. 
Laboratoire d'Analyse des Th\'{e}ories
Economiques de la Facult\'{e} des Sciences Economiques de 
l'Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille
II et le G.R.E.Q.E. Groupe de Recherche en Economie 
Quantitative et Econom\'{e}trie de
l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales et des 
Universit\'{e}s d'Aix-Marseille II \&
III, URA CNRS 950



{\em Conferences Introductives}:



%
\WPindent{%
Jacques Lesourne, Conservatoire National des Arts et 
M\'{e}tiers, directeur du Journal {\em Le
Monde}%
}%


Paul Bush, California State University, Fresno, Etats Unis

Geoffrey Hodgson, Newcastle upon Tyne Polytechnic, Grand 
Bretagne



{\em Session I: Origines et Formes Historiques de 
l'Institutionnalisme}



%
\WPindent{%
Marina Bianchi, Universit\`{a} degli Studi di Roma "La 
Sapienza", Italie, How to learn a
Sociality: True and False Solutions to Mandeville's 
Problem.%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Phillippe Fontaine, Harvard University, Cambridge, Etats 
Unis, Aux Orignes de la
Pens\'{e}e Institutionnaliste: "l'Individualisme 
Institutionnel" de Turgot%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Jean-Jacques Fislain, Universit\'{e} de Nantes, Les 
Institutions-Granties de Sismondi%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Jean Rosio, Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille II, 
L'Institution Mon\'{e}taire selon Fran\c{c}aise
Simiand et la Tradition Economique et Financi\`{e}re 
Fran\c{c}aise%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Maurice Basle, Universit\'{e} de Rennes I, Mise en 
perspectives de l'Institutionnalisme de
quelques Economistes Allemands.%
}%




{\em Session II: Institutionnalisme et M\'{e}thodes}



%
\WPindent{%
Rodolphe dos Santos Ferreira \& Ragip EGE, Universit\'{e} 
de Strasbourg I, Abstraction
Th\'{e}orique et Inductivisme.  A Propos des Rapports entre 
la Jeune Ecole
Historique Allemande et l'Ecole Allemande d'Inf\'{e}rence 
Statistique%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Philippe Adair, Universit\'{e} de Paris XII, La 
Contribution de W.C. Mitchell \`{a} l'Economie
Quantitative L'Analyse des Business Cycles.%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Michel Gutsatz, Universit\'{e} d'Aix Marseille II, 
Questions de M\'{e}thode. Economistes et
Econom\`{e}tres: Keynes et Tinbergen Revisit\'{e}s.%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Marc Penin Universit\'{e} de Montpellier I, 
Comptabilit\'{e} Nationale et Institutionnalisme%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Jean-Jacques Friboulet, Universit\'{e} de Fribourg, Suisse, 
Institutionnalisme et
Macro\'{e}conomie keyn\'{e}sienne%
}%




{\em Session III: Institutions, Marches et Organisations}



%
\WPindent{%
Guy Caire, Universit\'{e} de Paris X, Institutionnalisme et 
Relations Industrielles:
Paradigmes et M\'{e}thodologie, Mise en Perspective%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Olivier Favereau \& Laurent Thevenot, Universit\'{e}s de 
Paris X \& Paris II, R\`{e}gles,
Coordination et Apprentissage; Relecture de Trois 
Th\'{e}ories Institutionnalistes de
l'Entreprise%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Liliana Basile \& Paola Casavola, Universit\`{a} di Napoli, 
Italie, the Firm as an Institution:
Efficiency and Incomplete Contracts%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Sylvie Diatkine, Universit\'{e} de Lille I, 
"N\'{e}oinstitutionnalisme" et Th\'{e}orie
Contemporaine de l'Institution Financi\`{e}re%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Soizic Le Livec, Universit\'{e} de Rennes I, L'Entreprise 
partenariale Discriminante%
}%




{\em Seance Pleniere}:



%
\WPindent{%
Anne Mayhew \& Walter Neale, University of Tennessee, 
Knoxville, Etats Unis, The
Implicit Theory and Method of the (Old, or Real) American 
Institutionalists%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
Mark Perlman, University of Pittsburgh, Etats Unis, 
Understanding the "Old"
American Institutionalism%
}%




{\em Session IV: Th\'{e}orie des Institutions et 
N\'{e}oinstitutionnalisme}



%
\WPindent{%
Kurt Dopfer, Universit\'{e} de St. Gallen, Suisse, A Theory 
of Institutions: Path
Dependency and Synergetic Behaviour%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Marcello Corti, F.N.S.R.S., Universit\'{e} de Fribourg, 
Suisse, Limites et Port\'{e}es de
l'Explication Individualiste des Institutions.%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Pierre Livet, Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille I, L'Economie 
des Conventions est-elle
institutionnaliste?%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Marc Bassoni, Universit\'{e} de Lille II, un 
Institutionnalisme peut en cacher un autre: 
Institutionnalisme Am\'{e}ricain Versus Institutionnalisme 
Hayekien%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
John Adams, Northeastern University, Boston, U.S.A., 
Reinventing the Mos:
Neoclassical Ignorance of Institutionalism as a Source of 
Fame and Employment%
}%




{\em Session V: Economie et Societe}



%
\WPindent{%
Dorothy Ross, The Johns Hopkins Univeristy, Baltimore, 
U.S.A. (titre de
communication \`{a} pr\'{e}ciser)%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Philippe Steiner, Universit\'{e} de Paris IX, Le Fait 
Social Economique et l'Economie
Politique chez E. Durkheim%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Michel Renault, Unversit\'{e} de Reness I, 
L'Instrumentalit\'{e} et l-Artificiel chez J. Dewey
et C. Ayres: de la Matrice Biologique \`{a} la Matrice 
Culturel%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Henri Denis, Universit\'{e} de Paris I, Le Refus de la 
Dialectique dans l'Evolutionnisme
Veblenien%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Thierry Boidart \& V\'{e}ronique Dutraive, Universit\'{e} 
de Lyon II, Perspectives
Institutionnaliste et Evolutionniste sur le Progr\`{e}s 
Technique et la Dynamique
Economique%
}%




{\em Session VI: Institution et Monnaie}



%
\WPindent{%
Maurice Netter, Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille II, Monnaie, 
Production, Crise et R\'{e}gulation
chez Veblen%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
J\'{e}r\^{o}me Maucourant, Universit\'{e} de Lyon II, 
Westley Clair Mitchell et la Question
Mon\'{e}taire, Du Lib\'{e}ralisme Institutionnel \`{a} 
l'Institutionnalisme%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Jean-Michel Servet, Universit\'{e} de Lyon II, 
L'Institution Mon\'{e}taire de la Soci\'{e}t\'{e} selon
Karl Polanyi%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Suzanne de Brunhoff C.N.R.S., Paris, Analyses 
Institutionnalistes de la Monnaie:
quelques Recherches Actuelles%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Camille Baulant, Banque de France, L'Ambivalence de la 
Monnaie et la N\'{e}cessaire
Evolution des Institution: Mon\'{e}taires du R\'{e}gimes 
Fordiste%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Colloque plac\'{e} sous le Haut Patronage de Paul Rollin, 
Recteur de l'Acad\'{e}mie d'Aix-Marseille; Claude Mercier, 
Pr\'{e}sident de l'Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille%
}%




{\em Comite de programme}



Richard Arena, Universit\'{e} de Nice; Maurice Basle, 
Universit\'{e} de Rennes I; Alain
Beraud, Universit\'{e} de Rouen; Arnaud Berthoud, 
Universit\'{e} de paris X; Robert
Delorme, C.E.P.R.E.M.A.P.; Pierre Dockes, universit\'{e} de 
Lyon II, Rodolphe Dos
Santos Ferreira, Universit\'{e} de Strasbourg I; Olivier 
Favereau, Universit\'{e} de Paris X;
Roger Frydman, Universit\'{e} de Paris X; Louis-Andr\'{e} 
Gerard-Varet, E.H.E.S.S. Marseille;
Jacqueline Hecht, I.N.E.D.; Patrick Maurisson, 
Universit\'{e} de Picardie; Claude
Meidinger, E.N.S. de Cachan; marc Penin, Universit\'{e} de 
Montpellier I; Jean Rosio,
Universit\'{e} d'Aix-Marseille II; Christian Schmidt, 
Universit\'{e} de Paris IX; Jacques Wolff,
Universit\'{e} de Paris I; Andr\'{e} Zylberberg, 
Universit\'{e} de Paris I.



{\em Organization}



Louis-Andr\'{e} Gerard-Varet (G.R.E.Q.E.) \& Jean Rosio 
(L.A.T.E.), Coordination: Jean
Rosio Tel. 94 59 89 71; 91 91 92 62



Secretariat du Colloque

Colloque e l'Association Charles Gide, G.R.E.Q.E.

Centre de la Vieille-Charit\'{e}, 13002 MARSEILLE



\subsection{ 
THE PHILOSOPHY OF KARL POPPER: 8th Annual One-Day 
Conference}



%
\WPindent{%
Saturday 4th May 1991. 10.30 am - 6.00 pm, LSE Room A42 
Houghton
St. London WC2 2AE%
}%




Peter Binns (The University of Warwick)

%
\WPindent{%
"Psychoanalysis, Hermeneutics and World 3"%
}%


Professor Shoshana Abel (San Francisco State, University 
and University of San
Francisco)

%
\WPindent{%
"Popper's {\em Logic of Scientific Discovery} in terms of 
Computer Implementation".%
}%


Patrick O'Neil

%
\WPindent{%
"Karl Popper and the Descriptive/Prescriptive Dichotomy."%
}%


Professor Anthony O'Hear (The University of Bradford)

%
\WPindent{%
"The Tradition of Criticism and the Criticism of Tradition"%
}%


Professor Neil Tennant (The Australian National University)

%
\WPindent{%
"Cognitive Significance Reclaimed"%
}%




Organiser: Ray Percival, 70 Hillview Court, Astley Bridge, 
Bolton BL1 8NU
(Telephone: 0202-593114).  





\subsection{THE PHILOSOPHY OF KARL POPPER: 7th Annual 
One-Day Conference}



London School of Economics, 26 May 1990



Andrew Massey (Director of Rhode Island Philharmonic and 
The Fresno California
Philharmonic)

%
\WPindent{%
"Music and Popper's World 3"%
}%




David Miller (University of Warwick)

%
\WPindent{%
"In Memoriam: W W Bartley III: Comprehensively Critical 
Rationalism - an
assessment"%
}%


Hans J Eysenck

%
\WPindent{%
"Astrology: Science of Pseudoscience"%
}%


B. R. Cosin (Open University)

%
\WPindent{%
"Race, 'Race,' and Pseudoscience"%
}%


Sabastion Gardiner (Birkbeck College, London)

%
\WPindent{%
"Psychoanalytic Explanation"%
}%






\subsection{THE PHILOSOPHY OF KARL POPPER: 6th Annual 
One-Day Conference}

 {\bf 

}%
\WPindent{%
Saturday, April 29, 1989, London School of Economics and 
Political
Science%
}%




Alain Boyer

%
\WPindent{%
"Popper's Metaphysical Turn"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Christopher Badcock (LSE)%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Freud and the Philosophy of Science: Why Popperians are in 
for a Shock"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Michael Ruse (University of Guelph), "Evolutionary 
Epistemology: barking up the
wrong gum tree"%
}%




{\em Debate}: Popper is Wrong on Marx



{\em %
\WPindent{%
For}: Professor M. Desai{\em Against}: David McDonagh%
}%




{\em Panel Discussion}: David Miller (University of 
Warwick) and Larry Briskman (University
of Edinburgh) answered questions and responded to 
criticisms of Popper's philosophy





\subsection{MORAL UND POLITIK AUS DER SICHT DES KRITISCHEN 
RATIONALISMUS}



% [Center]
Interuniversity Center for Postgraduate Studies Dubrovnik
% [center]


% [Center]
September 25 - October 6, 1989
% [center]




Kursdirektoren: Hans Albert (Universit\"{a}t Mannheim)

 Werner Becker (Universit\"{a}t Gie{\ss}en)

 Kurt Salamun (Universit\"{a}t Graz)



{\bf Kursbeschreibung}: Karl R. Popper, der Begr\"{u}nder 
der philosophischen Denkrichtung
des Kritischen Rationalismus, hat nicht nur auf den 
Gebieten der Erkenntnislehre und
Wissenschaftstheorie interessante Gedanken entwickelt, 
sondern auch auf den
Gebieten der Gesellschaftstheorie und politischen 
Philosophie.  Seine Kritik anhistorizistischen, 
holistischen und utopistischen Denkweisen, die Konzepte 
eines
"piecemeal social engineering" und einer offenen 
Gesellschaft stellen wichtige
weltanschauliche Grundlagen zur Rechtfertigung von 
pluralistischen Demokratien dar. 
In diesem Kurs sollen sowohl die moralischen 
\"{U}berzeugungen als auch die
gesellschaftstheoretischen und politischen Hauptgedanken 
des Kritischen
Rationalismus dargestellt, kritisch diskutiert und 
konstruktive weitergedacht werden.



{\bf Lehrkr\"{a}fte:} Darius Aleksandrowicz (Wroclaw), 
Junichi Aomi (Tokio), Fred Eidlin
(Guelph/Kanada), Volker Gadenne (Mannheim), Joshihisa 
Hagiwara (Tokio), Reinhard
Kamitz (Graz), Miomir Matulovi\'{c} (Rijeka), 
Nenad Miscevi\'{c} (Zadar/Split), Edgar
Morscher (Salzburg), Claus M\"{u}hlfeld (Bamberg), Stanisa 
Novakovi\'{c} (Belgrad), Otto
Peter Obermaier (Augsburg), Andreas Pickel (Toronto), 
Gerard Radnitzky (Trier),
Lothar Sch\"{a}fer (Hamburg), Michael Schmid (Augsburg), 
Ernst Topitsch (Graz).



\subsection{II GIORNATA SULLA SCUOLA AUSTRIACA DEDICATA ALL 
INDIVIDUALISMO
METODOLOGICO}



%
\WPindent{%
Scuola Superiore di Studi Universitari e di Perfezionamento 
S. Anna Classe
di Scienze Sociali%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
21 e 22 ottobre 1988, nei locali della Scuola, in via G. 
Carducci, 40%
}%




Prof. Alain Boyer (Universita di Clermont-Ferrand e 
C.R.E.A.).

Individualisme politique et individualisme methodologique.

Prof. Enrico di Robilant (Universita di Torino).

Una riconfigurazione critica del diritto e della giustizia.

Prof. Mario Stoppino (Universita di Pavia).

Azione politica e istituzioni.

Prof. Ferdinando Meacci (Universita di Padova).

%
\WPindent{%
L'individuo di fronte al tempo nella teoria austriaca: 
capitale, mercati,
imprenditorialita.%
}%


Prof. Luciano Pellicani (LUISS, Roma).

L'individualismo metodologico in sociologia.

Dr. ssa. Anna Elisabetta Galeotti (Universita di Torino).

Problemi filosofici dell' individualismo metodologico.

Prof. Robert Nadeau (Universita di Quebec a Montreal)

%
\WPindent{%
Unintended Consequences of Action and Methodological 
Individualism.%
}%


Dr. Antonio Rainone

Teoria causale dell' azione e individualismo metodologico.





\subsection{DIE GEDANKENWELT SIR KARL POPPERS: KRITISCHER 
RATIONALISMUS IM
DIALOG} 



% [Center]
26-29 Oktober 1989
% [center]




%
\WPindent{%
Ludwig Boltzmann-Institut f\"{u}r neuere 
\"{o}sterreichische Geistesgeschichte, Au{\ss}enstelle
Vorarlberg%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Internationale Akademie f\"{u}r Philosophie im 
F\"{u}rstentum Liechtenstein%
}%




{\em Tagungsleiter}:



Univ. Prof. Dr. Norbert Leser (Boltzmann-Institut) 

Univ. Prof. Dr. Josef Seifert (Akademie Liechtenstein)



{\em Zum Thema}:



Sir Karl Popper und der auf seiner Philosophie aufbauende 
kritische Rationalismus
verstehen sich als eine neue "Kritische Philosophie" 
jenseits von Dogmatismus und
Skeptizismus, die zugleich den Historizismus 
\"{u}berwindet.  

Ziel des Symposiums ist die Darstellung dieser Position 
durch die f\"{u}hrenden Denker
des kritischen Rationalismus und der Dialog \"{u}ber den 
kritischen Rationalismus selbst.

Dabei sollen die Grundlagen philosophischer 
Rationalit\"{a}t, das Prinzip der fehlbaren
Vernunft in Ethik und Sozialphilosophie, das Gespr\"{a}ch 
zwischen kritischem
Rationalismus und Marxismus sowie die Anwendbarkeit der
wissenschaftstheoretischen Prinzipien des kritischen 
Rationalismus auf die
Biowissenschaften, die Rechtswissenschaft und 
abschlie{\ss}end auf die neuen
Perspektiven nach Popper in einem sachlich 
wissenschaftlichen Dialog er\"{o}rtert
werden.  

Begr\"{u}{\ss}ung:%
\WPindent{%
Dr. Martin Purtscher, Landeshauptmann%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
S.D. Prinz Nikolaus von und zu Liechtenstein Pr\"{a}sident 
des Stiftungsrates der
Internationalen Akademie f\"{u}r Philosophie, Liechtenstein%
}%
%
}%
%
}%
%
}%




{\em Referate}:



%
\WPindent{%
"Auszug aus dem Argument - Existenz-philosophie und 
Neomarxismus vom
Standpunkt des kritischen Rationalismus" em. Univ. Prof. 
Dr. Ernst Topitsch%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Objektivismus in der Wissenschaft und Grundlagen 
philosophischer Rationalit\"{a}t: 
Kritische \"{U}berlegungen zu Karl Poppers Philosophie" 
Univ. Prof. Dr. Josef Seifert%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Wittgenstein und Popper: Eine Alternative?" Univ. Prof. 
Dr. Friedrich Wallner%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Moral und fehlbare Vernunft - Zur Frage einer rationalen 
Begr\"{u}ndung der Ethik" Univ.
Prof. Dr. John Crosby%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Die philosophischen Positionen von Popper in marxistischer 
Sicht"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Univ. Prof. Dr. Herbert H\"{o}rz%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Marxismus oder kritischer Rationalismus?  Zur Metakritik 
des Positivismus-Streits"
Univ. Prof. Dr. Rocco Buttiglione%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Kritischer Rationalismus und Sozialphilosophie" Univ. 
Prof. Dr. Hans Albert%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Kritischer Rationalismus - im Recht?"  Univ. Doz. DDr. 
Chrisoph Schefold%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Naturalismus im kritischen Rationalismus"  Univ. Prof. Dr. 
Humberto Maturana%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Remarks on the Evolution Theory: A Reply to Konrad Lorenz 
und Karl Popper"  Univ.
Prof. Dr. Seifert%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Science after Popper: Towards a New Logic of Social 
Science"  Univ. Prof. Dr. Cor
van Dijkum%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
"Die neuen Perspektiven eines Popperianismus" Ein 
R\"{u}ckblick aug das Symposion?
Univ. Prof. Dr. Barry Smith%
}%






\subsection{EMERGENCE ET FONDEMENTS DES CONCEPTS D'\'{E}QUILIBRE 
EN ECONOMIE}
{\bf



%
\WPindent{%
3\`{e}me colloque de l'Association Charles Gide pour 
l'\'{e}tude de la pens\'{e}e
\'{e}conomique (A.C.G.E.P.E.)}%
}%




%
\WPindent{%
Conseil de l'Europe, Strasbourg, 21 et 22 septembre 1989%
}%




Organis\'{e} sous les auspices du R\'{e}seau de 
Coop\'{e}ration Scientifique et Technique E-MRS (Sciences 
des Mat\'{e}riaux) du Conseil de l'Europe et avec le 
concours de
l'Universit\'{e} Louis Pasteur de Strasbourg, du C.N.R.S., 
du Conseil G\'{e}n\'{e}ral du Bas-Rhin, du Minist\`{e}re 
des Affaires Etrang\`{e}res, du Minist\`{e}re de 
l'Education Nationale, de
la Jeunesse et des Sports, de la Maison des Sciences de 
l'Homme de Strasbourg. 



%
\WPindent{%
Frank H. Hahn (University of Cambridge, Docteur honoris 
causa de l'Universit\'{e} Louis
Pasteur), "General equilibrium in an imperfect world"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Roger Guesnerie (Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en Sciences 
Sociales, Paris), "Doit-on
croire aux \'{e}quilibres \`{a} anticipations 
rationnelles?"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Pierre Salmon (Universit\'{e} de Bourgogne, Dijon) et Alain 
Wolfelsperger (Institut
d'Etudes Politiques de Paris) "De l'\'{e}quilibre 
concurrentiel \`{a} l'\'{e}quilibre
d\'{e}mocratique:  critique m\'{e}thodologique d'un 
transfert de concept"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
R\'{e}gis Deloche (Universit\'{e} de Franche Comt\'{e}, 
Besan\c{c}on) "Equilibre et \'{e}quit\'{e}"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Alberto Chilosi (Universita degli Studi di Pisa) 
"Socialism, market and equilibrium"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Mauro Gallegati (Universita degli Studi di Ancona) "Period 
analysis and equilibrium
conditions in Alfred Marshall's writings"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Hans Brems (University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign), "The 
Austrian time-interest
equilibrium"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Hansjoerg Klausinger (Vienna University of Economics and 
Business Administration),
"Equilibrium methodology as seen from a Hayekian 
perspective"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Olivier Favereau (Universit\'{e} de Paris X-Nanterre) et 
Laurent Thevenot (Centre
d'Etudes de l'Emploi, Paris), "R\'{e}flexions sur une 
notion d'\'{e}quilibre utilisable dans
une \'{e}conomie de march\'{e}s et d'organisations"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Jean Cartelier (Universit\'{e} de Picarde, Amiens), 
"Equilibre statique et monnaie:  deux
formes alternatives de la coordination des actions 
individuelles" %
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Riccardo Faucci (Universita degli Studie di Pisa), 
"Equilibre \'{e}conomique et \'{e}quilibre
financier chez Luigi Einaudi"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Ragip Ege (Universit\'{e} Louis Pasteur, Strasbourg), 
"R\'{e}flexions sur les conditions
d'\'{e}mergence d'un concept d'\'{e}quilibre comme fait 
spontan\'{e}:  une lecutre de
Hayek"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Martin Currie and Ian Steedman (University of Manchester), 
"Equilibrium and time: 
Hayek and Lindahl"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Philippe Mongin (C.N.R.S., Paris et Universit\'{e} 
Catholique de Louvain), "L'equilibre
d'anticipations rationnelles et la rationalit\'{e} 
individuelle:  examen de quelques
mod\`{e}les d'apprentissage"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Dominique Torre (Universit\'{e} de Nice), "Equilibre 
g\'{e}n\'{e}ral, co\^{u}ts de transaction et
coordination des activit\'{e}s"%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Claude Schwob (Universit\'{e} Louis Pasteur, Strasbourg), 
"Les disparit\'{e}s de l'offre et de
la demande comme ph\'{e}nom\`{e}nes d'\'{e}quilibre de 
march\'{e}"%
}%
% [HPG]

\section{BOOKS \& JOURNALS}

The JOURNAL OF SOCIAL AND BIOLOGICAL STRUCTURES is an 
interdis\-ciplinary
quarterly concerned with the unity, analogy, and 
relationships, theoretical and
practical, between biological dynamics and mechanisms such 
as evolution, natural
selection, and individual development, and social 
activities including tech\-nology,
economics, politics, ideologies, literature, art, customs, 
and culture.  As such, the
JOURNAL embraces such disciplines as theoretical biology, 
evolution theory, develop-mental psychology, artificial 
intelligence, cognitive and physical anthropology,
paleontology, philosophy of science and technology, history 
of ideas, sociology,
cosmology, and commun\-ication theory, and seeks thereby to 
help elucidate the
human place in the cosmos.  

Founded 14 years ago by James Danielli and Harvey Wheeler, 
the JOURNAL in
1990 came under the Editorship of Paul Levinson. Author of 
MIND AT LARGE:
KNOWING IN THE TECHNOLOGICAL AGE, and Editor of IN PURSUIT 
OF TRUTH:
ESSAYS ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF KARL POPPER ON THE OCCASION OF 
HIS 80th
BIRTHDAY, Levinson has given the JOURNAL a Popperian 
flavor, placing such
eminent Popperians on the Editorial Board as Donald T. 
Campbell, Ian Jarvie, and
Gerard Radnitzky.  Joseph Agassi wrote the lead-off 
commentary for the Spring 1991
issue (Vol 14 No 1).  

The JOURNAL welcomes contributions in the form of articles, 
book reviews and
essay-reviews, commentaries, and theoretical notes ranging 
from 5 to 75 pages. 
These should be sent to the Editor on computer disk as well 
as paper copy to Paul
Levinson, JSBS, 92 Van Cortlandt Park South, \#6F, Bronx, 
NY 10463.  

Subscriptions are \$75 a year for individuals, and \$180 a 
for libraries and
institutions (outside of the US please ad \$10 for surface 
mail or \$20 for airmail
shipment).  These should be sent to JAI Press, Inc., 55 Old 
Post Road - \#2, PO Box
1678, Greenwich, CT 06836.   



{\bf Andersson, Gunnar.}  {\em Rationality in Science and 
Politics} {\em Boston Studies in the
Philosophy of Science} (Dordrecht, Boston, Lancaster: D. 
Reidel Publishing Company,
1985), 320 pp. ISBN 90-227-1953-5 Paper Dfl: 68,-/17.50; 
Cloth Dfl. 139-/33.00;
ISBN 90-277-1575-0



Is the present widespread despair about the rationality of 
politics and the
scepticism surrounding the rationality of science 
unwarranted?  Criticism of proposed
problem solutions is essential for rational action both in 
science and politic.  In this
volume, the role of criticism is investigated in various 
areas ranging from empirical
testing of hypotheses in science to the critique of 
ideologies in politics.  The problem
of rationality in science is attacked by analyzing key 
issues in the philosophy of
science, such as the demarcation of science from 
non-science,the acceptance of
"basic" statements, induction, incommensurability and 
scientific progress.  Other
contributors deal with the social base of science, ethical 
and social aspects of
rationality in communication and political beliefs.  Among 
the contributors are Paul
Feyerabend, Ernst Gellner, Adolf Gr\"{u}nbaum and Sir Karl 
Popper.

  

Contents:



Gunnar Andersson:  Creativity and Criticism.  Joseph 
Agassi:  The Social Base of
Scientific Theory and Practise.  Hans Albert:  
Transcendental Realism and Rational
Heuristics, Critical Rationalism and the Problem of Method. 
 Gunnar Andersson:  How
to Accept Fallible Test Statements?  Popper's Criticist 
Solution.  W.W. Bartley III: Logical Strength and 
Demarcation.  Paul K. Feyerabend: Xenophanes:  A Forerunner
of Critical Rationalism?  Ernest V. Gellner:  The Social 
Roots of Modern
Egalitarianism.  Adolf Gr\"{u}nbaum: The Placebo Concept.  
B. Kanitschneider: Analytical
and Synthetical Philosophy.  Noretta Koertge:  Ethical 
Problems in Science
Communication.  Hiroshi Nagai:  A Philosophical Conception 
of Finality in Biology. 
Marcello Pera:  The Justification of Scientific Progress.  
Karl R. Popper: Against
Induction: One of Many Arguments.  Kurt Salamun:  The 
Problem of Ideology and
Critical Rationalism.  Irene Szmuilewicz-Lachmun:  
Poincar\'{e} Versus le Roy on
Incommensurability.  Ernst Topitsch:  On Early Forms of 
Critical Rationalism.  Gunnar
Andersson:  Gerard Radnitzky:  From Positivism, via 
Critical theory, to Critical
Rationalism.  Notes on Contributors.  Index of Names.  



{\bf Flew, Antony,}  {\em Power to the Parents: Reversing 
Educational Decline}.  London:
Sherwood, 1987.  171 pp.  Hardback {\pounds} 12.95 (ISBN 0 
907671 322), Paperback {\pounds}
6.95 (ISBN 0 907671 330)



This argues that, however schools are owned and managed, 
they should, for
reasons of efficiency as well as libertarian reasons, be 
subject to the incentives and
disciplines of the market; that from whatever pocket, 
public or private, the fees
ultimately come, the cash should follow the children to the 
schools of their parents'
choice, and that each school should act an independent firm 
spending the fees it
earns as it sees fit in order to maintain and perhaps 
increase custom.



{\bf Haakonsen, Knud, ed.}  {\bf Traditions of 
Liberalism. Essays on John Locke, Adam Smith
and John Stuart Mill}, by Shirley Letwin, Alan Ryan, 
Lauchlan Chipman; William
Letwin, Donald Winch, Knud Haakonssen; John Gray, Chin Liew 
Ten, Philip Pettit;
Kenneth Minogue.  Introduction by Knud Haakonssen.  Sydney 
1988 (Centre for
Independent Studies, PO Box 92, St. Leonards, N.S.W. 2065, 
Australia).



{\bf Popper, Karl R.}  {\em A World of Propensities}.  
Bristol: Thoemmes, 1990.  ISBN: 1 85506
000 0 {\pounds}5.00.  

%
\WPindent{%
Preface%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
A World of Propensities: Two New Views of Causality%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Toward an Evolutionary Theory of Knowledge%
}%




{\bf Radnitzky, Gerard, ed.}  {\em Centripetal Forces in 
the Sciences Vol. I}. New York: Paragon
House, 1987.  ISBN 0-89226-047-5

{\bf Contents:

}Foreword: Eugene P. Wigner

Introduction: Gerard Radnitzky

{\bf Part I: The Idea of the "Unity of Science" in 
Intellectual History and the Division of
Knowledge}

1. Eugene P. Wigner: The Unity of Science - 2. Peter Munz: 
The Unity of Science and
the Dubious Credentials of Positivism - 3. Vincenzo 
Cappelletti: Unity and History of
Science - 4. John T. Blackmore: Comment - 5. W.W. Bartley 
III: The Division of
Knowledge 

{\bf Part II: Methodological Aspects, the Unity of Physics, 
and the Unifying Potential of
the Evolutionary Perspective}

6. Larry Briskman: Three Views Concerning the Unity of 
Science - 7. Noretta Koertge:
Methodological Bootstrapping - 8. Max Jammer: The Problem 
of the Unity of Physics - 9. Bernulf Kanitschneider: 
Comment - 10. Gerhard Vollmer: The Unity of Science in
an Evolutionary Perspective - 11. Percy L\"{o}wenhard: 
Comment

{\bf Part III: The Unifying Potential of the Idea of 
Spontaneous Order and of the
"Economic Approach"}

12. Friedrich von Hayek: The Rules of Morality are not the 
Conclusions of our Reason
- 13. John Gray: The Idea of a Spontaneous Order and the 
Unity of the Sciences -
Henri Lepage: Comment - 15. Walter B. Weimer: Spontaneously 
Ordered Complex
Phenomena and the Unity of the Moral Sciences - 16. 
H\'{e}ctor-Neri Casta\~{n}eda:
Comment - 17. Naomi Moldofsky: The Unification of Science 
Through the Economic
Approach - Fact or Fiction? - Peter Bernholz: Comment

{\bf Part IV: Lawlike Hypotheses and the Unity of the 
Social Sciences}

19: Antony Flew: Natural Laws in Social Science



{\bf Radnitzky, Gerard, ed.}  {\em Centripetal Forces in 
the Sciences Vol. II}. New York: Paragon
House, 1988.  ISBN 0-89226-048-3

{\bf 

Contents:



}Foreword - Alvin M. Weinberg

Introduction - Gerard Radnitzky



{\bf Part I: Problems of the Unification of Science and of 
Reductionism in the Light of the
Methodology of Research and of Science Policy}

1. Alvin M. Weinberg: Values in Science: Unity as a Value 
in Administration of Pure
Science - 2. Noretta Koertge: Is Reductionism the Best Way 
to Unify Science? - 3.
Walter B. Weimer: Comments on Koertge's Essay - 4. Werner 
Leinfellner: The Change
of the Concept of Reduction in Biology and in the Social 
Sciences - 5. Larry Briskman:
Between Reductionism and Holism

{\bf 

Part II: Reduction and Emergence in Physics and Chemistry}

6. Bernulf Kanitscheider: Reduction and Emergence in the 
Unified Theories of Physics - 7. Max Jammer: Comments on 
Kanitscheider's Essay - 8. Hans Primas: Can We
Reduce Chemistry to Physics? - 

9. Marcelo Alonso: Comments on Primas' Essay with a 
Rebuttal by Primas - 10.
Roman Sexl: Order and Chaos - 11. Erwin Schipper: The 
Evolution of Physics:
Comments on Roman Sexl 

{\bf 

Part III: Reduction and Explanation in Biology, the Social 
Sciences, and History}

12. Percy L\"{o}wenhard: Mind and Brain - Reduction or 
Correlation? -13. Franz M.
Wuketits: Comments on L\"{o}wenhard's Essay - 14. 
Karl-Dieter Opp: The Individualistic
Research Programme in Sociology -15. Angelo Petroni: 
Comments on Opp's Essay -
16. Raymond Boudon: Explanation, Interpretation, and 
Understanding in the Social
Sciences - 17. Alain Boyer: Comments on Boudon's Essay - 
18. Peter Munz:
Explanation in History - 19. Eileen Barker: Comments on 
Munz's Essay



{\bf Part IV: The Reductionism of the Sociological Turn in 
the Philosophy of Science}

20. Ian C. Jarvie: Explanation, Reduction and the 
Sociological Turn in the Philosophy
of Science or Kuhn as Ideologue for Merton's Theory of 
Science - 21. Peter Munz:
The Philosophical Lure of the Sociology of Knowledge 



{\bf Reid, Thomas.}  {\em Practical Ethics. Being Lectures 
and Manuscripts on Natural Religion,
Self-Government, Natural Jurisprudence and the Law of 
Nations}.  Edited from the
manuscripts with an Introduction and a Commentary by Knud 
Haakonssen.  Princeton
University Press 1989.

{\bf 

Ruelland, Jacques G. }{\em De l'\'{e}pist\'{e}mologie \`{a} 
la politique.  La philosophie de l'histoire de
Karl R. Popper}, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 
1991. 



Si la contribution de Karl Popper \`{a} 
l'\'{e}pist\'{e}mologie est largement reconnue, sa position
sur la politique en appara\^{i}t souvent comme le 
compl\'{e}ment pol\'{e}mique, plus ou moins
ext\'{e}rieur \`{a} son projet central.  C'est la 
coh\'{e}rence, \`{a} fois probl\'{e}matique et 
n\'{e}cessaire
de ces deux dimensions, que cet ouvrage s'emploie \`{a} 
reconstruire de fa\c{c}on claire et
pr\'{e}cise.  De l'examen minutieux des arguments que 
Popper oppose au darwinisme, au
platonisme et au marxisme, tant dans {\em Mis\`{e}re de 
l'historicisme} que dans {\em La Soci\'{e}t\'{e}
ouverte et ses ennemis}, et des diverses critiques qu'ils 
ont suscit\'{e}es, se d\'{e}gagent les
exigences d'interpr\'{e}tation des sciences sociales.  
V\'{e}ritable r\'{e}introduction \`{a} la pens\'{e}e
popp\'{e}rienne en son unit\'{e}, cette enqu\^{e}te jette 
une lumi\`{e}re nouvelle sur un lieu
strat\'{e}gique de la philosophie d'aujourd'hui. 



{\bf Salamun, Kurt, Hrsg.}  {\em Karl R. Popper und die 
Philosophie des Kritischen
Rationalismus}. Zum 85. Geburtstag von Karl R. Popper.  
Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1989. 
ISBN: 90-5183-036-X (Bound); ISBN" 90-5183-091-2 (Paper)



{\em {\bf Inhalts\"{u}bersicht}:}

{\bf I. Kritischer Rationalismus und Erkenntnislehre}

%
\WPindent{%
Hans Albert: Die M\"{o}glichkeit der Erkenntnis%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Stanisa Novakovic: Scientific Realism and Critical 
Rationalism%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Franz M. Wuketits: Evolution\"{a}re-Erkenntnistheorie, 
Poppers "Dreiweltenlehre und
das Leib-Seele Problem%
}%


{\bf II. Kritischer Rationalismus und Logik}

%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Reinhard Kamitz: Was kann die Logik f\"{u}r die Philosophie 
Leisten?  Erl\"{a}utert am
Schicksal von K. Poppers Explikation der Wahrheitsn\"{a}he%
}%
%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Otto-Peter Obermeier: Poppers "negative L\"{o}sung" des 
Induktionsproblems und
die hieraus resultierenden Folgelasten%
}%
%
}%


{\bf III. Kritischer Rationalismus und Wissenschaftstheorie}

%
\WPindent{%
Nenad Miscevic: Karl Popper und die kognitive Wissenschaft%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Gunnar Andersson: Die wissenschaftsgeschichtliche Kritik 
des Falsifikationismus%
}%
%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Dragan Jakowljewitsch: Die Frage nach dem methodologischen 
Dualismus der Natur- und Sozialwissenschaften und der 
Standpunkt kritischer Rationalisten%
}%
%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Michael Schmid: Rationalit\"{a}t und Irrationalit\"{a}t%
}%


{\bf V. Kritischer Rationalismus und Ethik}

%
\WPindent{%
Dariusz Aleksandrowicz: Erkenntnis und Ethik%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Fred Eidlin: Poppers ethischer und metaphysischer 
Kognitivismus%
}%
%
}%


{\bf V. Kritischer Rationalismus und Politische Philosophie}

%
\WPindent{%
Gerard Radnitzky: Der kritische Rationalismus in der 
Erkenntnistheorie und
politischen Philosophie%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Werner Becker: Kritischer Rationalismus oder Kritizismus%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Yoshihisa Hagiwara: Einige Bemerkungen zum kritischen 
Rationalismus als
politische Philosophie%
}%


{\bf VI. Kritischer Rationalismus und Ideologiekritik}

%
\WPindent{%
Junichi Aomi: Popper's Criticism of Ideologies%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Kurt Salamun: Perspektiven einer Ideologietheorie im Sinne 
des kritischen
Rationalismus%
}%
%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Ernst Topitsch: R\"{u}ckzug aus dem Argument%
}%




{\bf Salamun, Kurt (Hrsg.),} {\em Moral und Politik aus der 
Sicht des}{\em  Kritischen Rationalismus}. 
Amsterdam/Atlanta, GA (Rodopi) 1991.  294 pp. 
(Schriftenreihe zur Philosophie KarlR. Poppers und des 
Kritischen Rationalismus 1). Bound Hfl.120,00/US-\$60.00 
ISBN:
90-5183-203-6; Paper Hfl.38/US-\$19.00 ISBN: 90-5183-204-4



{\em {\bf Inhalts\"{u}bersicht}: }





{\bf %
\WPindent{%
I. Freiheit, Moral und Ethos der Aufkl\"{a}rung}%
}%


%
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Hans Albert: Die Verfassung der Freiheit.  Bedingungen der 
M\"{o}glichkeit sozialer
Ordnung.  %
}%
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}%


%
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%
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Volker Gadenne: Karl Poppers Beitrag zum Problem der 
Willensfreiheit.  %
}%
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}%


%
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%
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Yoshihisha Hagiwara: Zum Verst\"{a}ndnis von Liberalismus 
bei Popper und Hayek.  %
}%
%
}%


%
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%
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Klaus M\"{u}hlfeld: Bemerkungen zur bin\"{a}ren Struktur 
der Moral.  %
}%
%
}%


%
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%
\WPindent{%
Kurt Salamun: Das Ethos der Aufkl\"{a}rung im Kritischen 
Rationalismus.%
}%
%
}%


{\bf II. Zur Idee der offenen Gesellschaft.  }

%
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%
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Evelyn Gr\"{o}bl-Steinbach: Von der offenen zur 
postmodernen Gesellschaft?  %
}%
%
}%


%
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%
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Hardy Bouillon: Politische Philosophie im Rahmen einer 
offenen Gesellschaft:
Anmerkungen zu Popper und Hayek.  %
}%
%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Dariusz Aleksandrowicz: Die Kr\"{a}mer und die Ritter.  Vom 
Ethos der offenen
Gesellschaft, der Teilung Europas und der Politik des 
Friedens.  %
}%
%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
%
\WPindent{%
Lothar Sch\"{a}fer:  Kritischer Rationalismus und 
\"{o}kologische Krise: \"{U}berlegungen
zur Utopie- und Technikkritik.%
}%
%
}%


{\bf III: Demokratie, Souver\"{a}nit\"{a}t und soziale 
Marktwirtschaft.  }

%
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%
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Fred Eidlin: Popper und die demokratische Theorie.  %
}%
%
}%


%
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%
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Andreas Pickel: Fallibilismus und die Grundprobleme der 
Politischen Theorie: Zu
Poppers Kritik der Souver\"{a}nit\"{a}tstheorie und seinem 
Neuansatz f\"{u}r die politische
Theorie.  %
}%
%
}%


%
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%
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Gerard Radnitzky: Die politische Philosophie des Kritischen 
Rationalismus und die
soziale Marktwirtschaft.  %
}%
%
}%




{\bf Salamun, Kurt (Hrsg.).}  {\em 
Aufkl\"{a}rungsperspektiven. Weltanschauungsanalyse und
Ideologiekritik}.  T\"{u}bingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul 
Siebeck), 1989.  Ca. 240 S.  ISBN 3-16-245473-5.  Ca. DM 
60,-

Inhalts\"{u}bersicht:



{\bf I. Aktuelle Gesichtspunkte der Religionskritik}

%
\WPindent{%
Hans Albert: Zur Kritik der reinen Religion. \"{U}ber die 
M\"{o}glichkeiten der
Religionskritik nach der Aufkl\"{a}rung%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Gerhard Streminger: Religiosit\"{a}t eine Gefahr f\"{u}r 
Moralit\"{a}t? Bemerkungen zu einer
in der modernen Weltanschauungsanalyse wenig diskutierten 
Problematik%
}%


{\bf II. Kritische Analysen spezifischer Ideologien}

%
\WPindent{%
Werner Becker: Der fernethische Illusionismus und die 
Realit\"{a}t %
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Yoshihisa Hagiwara: \"{U}ber Begriff und Funktion der 
"kokutai"-Ideologie: Der
Mythos des japanischen Kaisertums als Herrschaftsideologie 
vor dem zweiten
Weltkrieg%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Michael W. Fischer: Nation als v\"{o}lkische Vision. 
Genetische Perspektiven zum
Nationalsozialismus%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Claus M\"{u}hlfeld: Nationalsozialistische Familienpolitik: 
Der Proze{\ss} der
weltanschaulichen Selbstgleichschaltung in der 
Rechtsanwendung%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Johann G\"{o}tschl: Zur Kritik der Ideologie der 
Technikverteufelung%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Kurt Salamun: Der holistische Grundzug in Herbert Marcuses 
neomarxistischer
Gesellschaftstheorie und Ideologiekritik%
}%


%
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Svetozar Stojanovic: Die jugoslawische antistalinistische 
Ideal-Logik%
}%


%
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Dariusz Aleksandrowicz: Kommunismus: Die Dynamik einer 
Weltanschauung%
}%


{\bf III. Methoden und Positionen der 
Weltanschauungstheorie und Ideologiekritik}

%
\WPindent{%
Ernst W. Orth: Ideologie und Weltanschauung. Zur Pathologie 
zweier Begriffe%
}%


%
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Michael Schmid: Formen der Ideologiekritik%
}%


%
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Peter Payer: Prolegomena zu einer Logik von 
Weltanschauungen und Ideologien%
}%


%
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Elisabeth List: Mythos, Biologie, Politik. Feministische 
Ideologiekritik und
Weltanschauungsanalyse%
}%


%
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Peter Welsen: Ideologie und Ideologiekritik bei Paul 
Ricoeur%
}%


%
\WPindent{%
Junichi Aomi: Seelenglaube und die Evolution der 
menschlichen Sprache%
}%


{\bf IV. Ernst Topitsch: Grundlegende Denkmodelle in der 
Weltanschauungsanalyse}





{\bf Sch\"{a}fer, Lothar.}  {\em Karl R. Popper}.  
M\"{u}nchen: Beck, 1988.



{\bf Inhalt:}

I. Biographischer und zeitgeschichtlicher Hintergrund

%
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%
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1. Allgemeine Kennzeichnung der Ausgangslage%
}%
%
}%


%
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%
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2. Poppers Leben und Schriften%
}%
%
}%


%
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%
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3. Der philosophische Ansatz in Grundz\"{u}gen%
}%
%
}%


II.%
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Methodologie der empirischen Wissenschaft und das 
Abgrenzungsproblem%
}%


%
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%
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1. Neukantianische Anf\"{a}nge%
}%
%
}%


%
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%
\WPindent{%
2. Logik der Forschung, Erkl\"{a}rung und 
Falsifizierbarkeit%
}%
%
}%


a) Logik der Erkl\"{a}rung

b) Falsifizierbarkeit

%
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3. Hypothesen-Test und die Festsetzung von Basis-S\"{a}tzen%
}%


%
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%
\WPindent{%
4. Sinn- und Abgrenzungsprobleme von Wissenschaft, 
Pseudowissenschaft und
Metaphysik%
}%
%
}%


a) Das heuristisch-generative Argument

b) Das kritizistische Argument

c) Das explikative Argument

5. Das Ziel der Wissenschaft und die Idee der Wahrheit

Die Propensit\"{a}ts-Interpretation der Wahrscheinlichkeit

III. Poppers Sozial- und Geschichtsphilosophie

1. Das Elend des Historizismus

2. Die offene Gesellschaft und ihre Feinde

a) Der Zauber Platons

b) Die falschen Propheten: Hegel und Marx

3. Probleme der Rationalit\"{a}t

4. Der Positivismusstreit in der deutschen Soziologie

IV. Objektives Wissen und evolution\"{a}re Erkenntnistheorie

1. Evolution und der Baum der Erkenntnis

2. Die Theorie des objektiven Geistes

3. Poppers 3-Welten-Lehre und das Leib-Seele-Problem

V. Zur Wirkungsgeschichte von Poppers Ideen





{\bf Sievering, Ulrich O. (Hrsg.)},  {\em Kritischer 
Rationalismus heute} (Arnoldshainer Texte -
Band 54874: Schriften aus der Arbeit der Evangelischen 
Akademie Arnoldshain, Haag
\& Herchen Verlag



In der Diskussion um die Krise der Moderne wird in 
zunehmenden Ma{\ss}e der
hypertrophen Katastrophenangst eine h\"{o}here 
Rationalit\"{a}t zugemessen als demn\"{u}chternen 
Risikobewu{\ss}tsein.  Katastrophenangst motiviert zum 
R\"{u}ckzug auf
pr\"{a}moderne Positionen, und sie dient der "rationalen" 
Rechtfertigung des Aufbruchs
zum postmodernen Zeitalter einer neuen Ganzheitlichkeit.  
Das klassisch-rationalistische Letztbegr\"{u}ndungs - und 
Sicherheitsdenken triumphiert \"{u}ber die
kritisch-rationale Einsicht der prinzipiellen Unsicherheit 
aller Erkenntnis und Fehlbarkeit
allen Handelns.  Es scheint, als habe die {\bf liberale 
Demokratie} nur noch die Wahl
zwischen der alten und einer neuen geschlossenen 
Gesellschaft. 

Mit dem hier vorgelegten Band werden Gesichtspunkte in 
Erinnerung gebracht,
die die Krise der Moderne als eine Krise ihres eigenen 
Rationalit\"{a}tskonzepts erkennen
lassen.  Den thematischen Focus bildet die {\bf Philosophie 
Karl Raimund Poppers}.  Deren
konsequenzen f\"{u}r die Erkenntnis- und 
Gesellschaftstheorie sowie f\"{u}r das Verh\"{a}ltnis
von Religion, Ethik und Wissenschaft werden dargestellt und 
diskutiert.  Der die
einzelnen Bedingung der M\"{o}glichkeit eines Handelns im 
Bewu{\ss}tsein des Risikos seiner
prinzipiellen Irrtumsbehaftetheit und seiner nicht 
intendierten Nebenfolgen.  Gefragt
ist nach {\bf den Chancen der Freiheit in einer Welt 
wachsender Risiken.}  



{\em Inhaltsverzeichnis}



%
\WPindent{%
Kritischer Rationalismus: Erkenntnis ohne erkennendes 
Subjekt: Vorwort und
Einf\"{u}hrung%
}%


Ulrich O. Sievering

%
\WPindent{%
Kann unser Wissen zugleich vorl\"{a}ufig und objektiv sein? 
 Zur Erkenntnistheorie des
Kritischen Rationalismus%
}%


Gerhard Vollmer

%
\WPindent{%
Die Evolutionstheorie im Werk Karl Raimund Poppers%
}%


J\"{u}rgen August Alt

%
\WPindent{%
Evolution\"{a}re Gesellschaftstheorie und 
Drei-Welten-Modell Zum 50j\"{a}hrigen Erscheinen
von Poppers "Logik der Forschung"%
}%


Bernhard Gie{\ss}en

%
\WPindent{%
Methodologischer Individualismus, Historizismus und 
Historismus%
}%


Michael Schmid

%
\WPindent{%
Mi{\ss}verst\"{a}ndnisse und Verdr\"{a}ngungen.  Die 
Popper-Interpretation von Norbert Elias als
Beispiel f\"{u}r die Rezeption des Kritischen Rationalismus 
in den
Sozialwissenschaften%
}%


Hartmut Esser

%
\WPindent{%
Freiheit und Rationalit\"{a}t.  Das Problem der 
Willensfreiheit im Lichte des Kritischen
Rationalismus und der Humanwissenschaften%
}%


Volker Gadenne

%
\WPindent{%
Sollen impliziert K\"{o}nnen.  Kritischer Realismus als 
Grundlage einer Evolution\"{a}ren Ethik%
}%


Gerhard Vollmer

%
\WPindent{%
Religion, Theologie und Ethik aus der Sicht des Kritischen 
Rationalismus.  Einige
Thesen%
}%


J\"{u}rgen August Alt

%
\WPindent{%
Religi\"{o}se Gewi{\ss}heit contra wissenschaftliche 
Fallibilit\"{a}t?  Der erkenntnistheoretische
Status christlicher Glaubensaussagen und Aussagen 
christlicher Theologie in
kritisch-rationaler Pr\"{u}fung%
}%


Peter Suchla

%
\WPindent{%
Erkenntnis und Entscheidung im Kritischen Rationalismus 
Karl Poppers%
}%


Klaus P\"{a}hler



{\bf Williams, Douglas E.}  {\em Truth, Hope and Power. The 
Thought of Karl Popper}.  Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1989.  237 pp.  ISBN: 
0-8020-2643-5.  Price: \$ 35.00. {\it {\bf Contents:} 1 
Introduction; 2 Portrait of a critical individualist; 3 
Kant, Popper, and the
crisis in Enlightenment ideals; 4 Truth as consequences: 
the unity of Popper's
thought; 5 Critical Rationalism and the logic of the social 
sciences; 6 Fallibilism and
the sociology of knowledge: Popper on Mannheim; 7 
Conserving liberalism: truth,
hope, and power; 8 The limits of Popper's liberalism; 9 
Conclusion.  }



One of the most heralded yet controversial philosophers of 
our century, Karl
Popper has been called the last great Enlightenment 
thinker.  In this sympathetic
study Douglas Williams presents a coherent and systematic 
account of Popper's
thought, by emphasizing the historical and contextual 
factors that have been decisive
in the structure and development of his ideas, and by 
allowing Popper's own
formulations to take precedence over those of his critics 
and followers. 

William's argues that the unity of Popper's philosophy lies 
in its moral dimension,
his life-long determination to conserve the intellectual 
foundations of hope and
progress that human autonomy requires - the distinctively 
Kantian belief that the mind
can and should be decisive in practical affairs no less 
than in the struggle with nature,
the twin pillars of the Enlightenment and modern liberalism 
alike.  Given the nature of
our times - a century of total wars, endless crises, and 
one intellectual revolution
after another - such an endeavour is no small achievement.  
% [HPG]

\section{
ARTICLES AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS
}


{\bf Albert, Hans.} "Critical Rationalism: The Problem of 
Method in Social Sciences and
Law," {\em Ratio Juris}, Vol.1, No.1 (March 1988): 1-19.  



The author characterizes the model of rationality devised 
by critical rationalism in
opposition to the classic model of rationality and as an 
alternative to this.  He
illustrates and criticizes the trichotomous theory of 
knowledge which, going back to
Max Scheler, is received in a secularized version by 
Habermas and Apel, also under
the influence of the hermeneutic tradition of Heidegger and 
Gadamer and of the so-called "critical theory" of Max 
Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno.  The author criticizes
historicism as it expects to be an alternative to 
naturalism and not to make use of the
method based on scientific laws.  The author proposes as an 
example of
technological social science the model developed in 
economics starting from Adam
Smith.  With regard to legal theories, natural law is 
rejected because of its
sociomorphic cosmology.  It is proposed that legal science 
as social technology has
two parts.  One part aims at efficient interpretations of 
valid law (for the space-time
region concerned) and a second part aims at the 
construction of efficient norms for
the modification of valid law by legislation.  



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  Georg Simmel und das Begr\"{u}ndungsproblem. 
 Ein Versuch der \"{U}berwindung
des M\"{u}nchhausen-Trilemmas, in Wolfgang L. Gombocz, 
Heiner Rutte und Werner
Sauer (Hrsg.), {\em Tradition und Perspektiven der 
analytischen Philosophie}: {\em Festschrift f\"{u}r
Rudolf Haller} (Wien: Verlag H\"{o}lder-Picher-Tempsky), 
258-264



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Hermeneutics and Economics. A 
Criticism of Hermeneutical Thinking in the
Social Sciences," {\em Kyklos}, vol. 41 (1988), 573-602.  
{\it I. Toward a Hermeneutical
Economics? II. The Problem of Understanding: Historism and 
Hermeneutics; III. The
Problem of Understanding: Hermeneutics and Factual Science; 
IV. Ludwig von Mises
and Theoretical Economics; V. Mises, Weber and the 
Hermeneutical Turn: The
Austrians at the Crossroads.  }



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  "Hermeneutik als Heilmittel? Der 
\"{o}konomische Ansatz und das Problem des
Verstehens," {\em Analyse \& Kritik} 11(1989), S.1-22.  



Social scientists usually presuppose that individual 
behaviour is meaningful and
understandable.  At the same time they aim at nomological 
explanations.  This is
criticized by some economists who recommend a hermeneutical 
turn to overcome the
crisis in economic and sociological thinking.  The author 
tries to show that it is
counterproductive to turn to hermeneutics to solve social 
science problems, and that
it is misleading to use Max Weber in support of this claim 
because Weber's ideas are
incompatible with hermeneutics \`{a} la Heidegger.  



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  "Der Mythos des Rahmens am Pranger: 
Anderssons Antwort auf die
wissenschaftsgeschichtliche Herausforderung," in Otfried 
H\"{o}ffe (Hrsg.), {\em Zeitschrift f\"{u}r
philosophische Forschung} Band 44(1990) Heft 1, S.85-97.  



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  "Die Wertfreiheitsproblematik und der 
normative Hintergrund der
Wissenschaften," in Hans Lenk und Matthias Maring Hrsg.), 
{\em Wirtschaft und Ethik}
(Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 1992), 82-100.  {\it I. Max 
Weber und der Werturteilsstreit; II.
Logische und erkenntnistheoretische Aspekte der 
Wertproblematik; III.
Methodologische Aspekte der Wertproblematik; IV. Zum 
Problem der praktischenAnwendung der Wissenschaft; V. Zur 
Kritik des Zweck-Mittel-Denkens in den
Sozialwissenschaften; VI. Zur Kritik der "kritischen 
Theorie"; }



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  "Wissenschaftliche Erkenntnis und 
religi\"{o}se Weltauffassung," in Audretsch,
J\"{u}rgen (Hrsg.), {\em Die andere H\"{a}lfte der 
Wahrheit: Naturwissenschaft, Philosophie,
Religion} (M\"{u}nchen: C.H. Beck, 1992), pp. 113-133.  
{\it 1. Die Idee der reinen Religion
als Reaktion auf die Aufkl\"{a}rung; 2. Die moderne 
Philosophie und er "Mythos des
Rahmens"; 3. \"{U}ber den metaphysischen Gehalt 
religi\"{o}ser Auffassungen; 4. Zum
Problem der rationalen Beurteilung der religi\"{o}sen 
Weltauffassung; 5. Zum illusion\"{a}ren
Charakter der religi\"{o}sen Weltauffassung. }



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  "Zur Kritik der reinen Jurisprudenz Recht 
und Rechtswissenschaft in der
Sicht des kritischen Rationalismus," in {\em 
Internationales Jahrbuch f\"{u}r Rechtsphilosophie
und Gesetzgebung: Demokratie und Rationalit\"{a}t} (Wien: 
Manzsche Verlags- und
Universit\"{a}tsbuchhandlung, 1992), pp. 343-357.  {\it I. 
Zentrale Annahmen des kritischen
Rationalismus; II. Das europ\"{a}ische Recht und der 
Charakter der europ\"{a}ischen
Jurisprudenz; III. Die Jurisprudenz als dogmatische 
Disziplin; IV. Rationale
Jurisprudenz als Sozialtechnologie; V. Politische 
\"{O}konomie als rationale Jurisprudenz.} 






{\bf Aleksandrowicz, Dariusz.}  "Die Argumente gegen den 
Rationalismus. Zur Geschichte
seiner Kritik im Hegelianismus und Liberalismus," {\em Acta 
Universitatis Wratislaviensis},
No. 1107 (Wroclaw 1989), 183-191.





{\bf Eidlin, Fred.}  "Poppers ethischer und metaphysischer 
Kognitivismus (Warum W\"{o}rter
manchmal wichtig sein k\"{o}nnen)," in Salamun, Kurt, ed. 
{\em Karl R. Popper und die
Philosophie des Kritischen Rationalismus}. Zum 85. 
Geburtstag von Karl R. Popper. 
Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1989, pp. 157-176.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Uses of History as Legitimation in 
Soviet-type Regimes,"  {\em Bohemia}, Vol.30,
No.1: 135-138.  



Attempts to fill the gap between the apparent low levels of 
legitimacy of the
Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the relative 
stability they appeared to
enjoy.  Explores the missing sources of obedience to 
authority that filled the gap
between official communist theory of legitimacy and the 
actual amount of obedience
to authority which Communist party regimes in Eastern 
Europe have been able to
command.  These include, i.a., such {\em extra-legitimate} 
sources of obedience to
authority, such as fear, habit, and existential pressures 
of the system.  It is argued
that these alone are not enough to explain the obedience 
enjoyed by these regimes. 
Also shows the influence of several other sources of {\em 
legitimate} authority such as
respect for the regime's power, ability of the regime to 
satisfy various needs, and
identification of the communist regime with the state, its 
laws, history, and symbols.  




{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Popper und die demokratische 
Theorie."  In Kurt Salamun (ed.), {\em Moral und
Politik aus der Sicht des Kritischen Rationalismus} 
(Amsterdam: Rodopi Verlag, 1991)
[in Russian as] "Karl Popper i teorie demokratii."  Also in 
Russian in {\em Filosofskiye nauki}
(Moskow) no.5 (1990): 69-80.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "The Power and Powerlessness of the 
Communist Power System." 
Published as "Mosch i bezsiliye v kommunisticheskoy sistemy 
vlasti," in {\em Polis}
(Moscow) 1991 No.6.  



Despite the centrality of power to thinking about 
Soviet-type politics, however,
the nature of power in such regimes has, strangely, 
remained largely unproblematic. 
Power has tended to be viewed as something that is 
self-evident rather requiring of
explanation.  Over the years, both empirical research and 
critical reflection how
revealed gaping holes in this once standard picture of 
power in Soviet-type regimes. 
It has become clear that significant aspects and domains of 
society either remain
outside the control of Soviet-type regimes or are only 
somewhat affected by them,
that the power of general secretaries, CC praesidia 
secretariats, and other ruling
institutions is significantly constrained, and that there 
is some kind of pluralism or
dispersion of power in such regimes.  The present paper 
explores this view of power
in Soviet-type regimes, inquiring into the nature and 
limits of the power of the party
apparat and power groups.  It seeks to provide an 
integrated view of the power
system, consistent with the evidence that the apparat and 
power groups actually are
powerful in certain ways, but which is also consistent with 
evidence of the weakness
and significant areas of paralysis of the power system.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Czechoslovakia: The Phoney Occupation 
'Normalization in the Wake of the
1968 Intervention," {\em Bohemia}, Band 29, Heft 2 (1988): 
262-279.  

% [Center]
% [center]


For seven months after the invasion of Czechoslovakia on 
August 21, 1968, not
only did the reformist leadership remain in power, 
virtually intact, but many aspects
of the reform movement which had disturbed the Soviets 
actually continued to
develop, almost as if there had been no military 
intervention.  Despite persistent
pressures, the Soviets could not seem to break the 
influence of the reformists and
bring about the kind of "normalization" of the situation 
they desired.  Even today, in
"normalized" Czechoslovakia, evidence continues to appear, 
suggesting that the
"Prague Spring" remains a live problem for the regime.  
Moreover, most of the
important problems facing the Czechoslovak regime 
today - nearly 20 years after the
1968 intervention are those for which the reformist of 1968 
were seeking stable
solutions.  This paper seeks to understand the legacy of 
the "Prague Spring" by
examining the struggle under pressure to preserve its gains 
during the seven months
after the invasion.  Various constraints on the Soviets are 
examined, which prevented
them from bringing about a quicker and more satisfactory 
(from their point of view)
"normalization" of the political situation.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Updating Weber: Ideal Type Analysis 
and Popper's Situational Logic." 
{\em Polish Sociological Bulletin}, No.2 (1988).



Attempts to repair and develop Max Weber's ideas on ideal 
type analysis by a
sympathetic, critical confrontation with Karl Popper's 
ideas on the methodology of
the social science - particularly with Popper's method of 
"situational analysis."  The
principal problem with Weber's explicit methodology of 
ideal types, it is argued, is
that because of his instrumentalism, Weber does not, give 
an adequate account of
the mechanism by which these types can be tested and 
corrected against reality. 
Popper's situational logic is presented as a closely 
related, "realistic" variant of ideal
typical analysis, which, it will be suggested, can help  
correct and complete Weber's
methodological program by giving an account of the linkage 
between reality and the
constructs of science.   



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Przeznaczenie czy dzialanie: Marks, 
Popper i historia," {\em Edukacja Filozoficzna},
No. 3 (Autumn 1987): 121-138 (Polish version of "Call to 
Destiny or Call to Action:
Marx, Popper, and History")



Attempts a critical assessment of Popper's critique of 
Marx's alleged
"historicism."  The first section shows how, despite the 
serious criticism's of Marx's
theoretical doctrines, Popper expresses substantial 
agreement with Marx and great
sympathy for both his ideals and theoretical achievements.  
When criticism, praise,
and endorsement of are tallied up, perhaps as much is left 
of Marxism as many who
today call themselves Marxists would want to defend.  The 
second section clarifies
Popper's main charge against Marx, namely that he 
inadvertently acted as a kind of
intellectual Pied Piper, mis\-leading "sco\-res of 
inte\-llig\-ent peo\-ple into beli\-eving that 
hist-ori\-cal prophesy is the scientific way of approaching 
social problems,"  thus
contributing to the devastating influence of the 
historicist method of thought within
the ranks of those who wish to advance the cause of the 
open society.  The third
section turns to the question of whether or not Marx 
actually believed in inexorable
laws of history, concluding that, while Marx undeniably 
{\em claimed to have discovered}
such laws, he {\em never stated any}.  Thus, though his 
writings may not on balance put
forward a "mechanical and simplistic view of history 
according to which all societies
were predestined to go through a single, inexorable 
sequence of stages," several
features of them strongly suggest and support historicist 
interpretation.  The fourth
section identifies problems in Popper's critique of 
Marxism: a) a possibility that the
causal influence Popper's seems to attribute to Marx's 
ideas may itself have an
historicist flavor; b) that Popper does not convincingly 
demonstrate a responsibility of
Marxism for the downfall of democracy and rise of 
totalitarianism, and that his
arguments in this regard contain inconsistencies and 
mistakes; c) that doctrines
identified by Popper as necessarily pernicious can be and 
often have been tamed in
practice; d) that it is not clear that Marx was in fact a 
moral positivist as Popper
claims; and e) that historicism, by Popper's own testimony 
is rampant in the entire
tradition of Western political thought, even within the 
ranks of liberal political
thinkers.  The fifth and final section zeroes in on what I 
think are Popper's most
important criticisms of Marx's theory: a) its deceptive 
means of selling revolution as
the only way to bring about real change in society, 
excluding any concern at all for
social technology; and b) those of its features that 
provide it with a hardy resistance
to correction by experience and criticism.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Radykalne i Rewolucyjne Watki w 
Popperowskiej Mysli Spoleczno-Polityczne," {\em Studi Nauk 
Politycznych}, No.4 (Autumn 1988) (Polish version of "The
Radical, Revolutionary Strain in Popper's Social and 
Political Theory," {\em Et Cetera,
Journal of the International Society for General 
Semantics}, 42(3): 283-298.     



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Ethical Problems of Imperfect 
Knowledge in the Policy Sciences,"  {\em Public
Administration Quarterly}, Vol.11, No.1 (Winter 1988): 
397-418; also in Edward M.
Portis and Michael B. Levy (eds.), {\em Handbook of 
Political Theory and Policy Science}
(Greenwood Press, 1988).  



Many decisions affecting the public welfare are based upon 
"expert knowledge." 
And policy scientists often have to decide what the best 
knowledge is and whether
or not it is good enough to  apply, even though the policy 
sciences, as sciences, have
no authority to determine what is good or bad for society.  
Even where the policy
scientist is intent on regarding duty to the public welfare 
as paramount, the problem
remains of determining just what the public welfare is.  
Solutions that are expedientand tend to simplify reality 
are seductive, and people tend to confuse what exists
both with what always will be and with what ought to be.  
The real problem, I try to
suggest, lies in the tendency of the human mind to reify 
whatever appears to by real
and whatever comfortably organizes reality, and then to 
hold tenaciously to such
reifications, believing that they cannot be changed and 
that we, therefore, have no
moral obligation to try to change them.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "The Breakdown of Newspeak," {\em 
Political Communication and Persuasion},
Vol.5, No.4: 225-236.  Also in Russian as "Krusheniye 
Novoyaza", in Kara-Murza
(ed.) {\em Totalitarizm' kak istoricheskiy fenomen} 
(Moscow: Filosofskoye Obshestvo,
1989) and (Moscow: Novosti, 1990): 351-368.  



Many attempts have been made to create Newspeaks.  But in 
light of what is
now known about such attempts, it is clear that not even 
the most successful of
them have come anywhere near the ideal of Orwell's 
projection.  Rather than these
Newspeaks becoming increasingly fine-tuned, comprehensive 
instruments of
totalitarian control as suggested in {\em 1984}, quite an 
opposite development has taken
place.  The peoples upon whom Newspeaks have been imposed 
have learned to live
with and manipulate these artificial languages, and their 
effectiveness has tended to
decline rather than increase.  The present paper explores 
this degeneration of
Newspeak, examining some of the assumptions about language, 
man, and society
underlying Orwell's picture of the future.  It makes 
explicit the theory of totalitarian
control based on language that is implicit in {\em 1984}, 
and then shows that several
fundamental assumptions of this theory are patently utopian 
while others are highly
implausible.  Apart from its rich insights into the 
dynamics of totalitarianism, even the
utopian elements of {\em 1984} help us to understand better 
the limitations as well as the
possibilities for totalitarian control in contemporary 
society by placing in relief the
conditions that would have to be met for such control 
actually to be realized.  Setting
forth these conditions makes clear why these conditions 
could never be met in
reality.    



{\bf Eidlin, Fred and Richard Appelbaum.}  "Social Science, 
Social Engineering, and Public
Policy" (With Richard Appelbaum), in O.P. Dwivedi, ed., 
{\em Public Policy and
Administrative Studies}, Vol.4,  1988 (Guelph, Ontario: 
Department of Political
Studies.   



Attempts to take stock of problems bound up with the 
application of reason and
social scientific knowledge to public problems, to ask what 
role reason and social
science can and should play in the formulation and 
execution of public policy, and to
inquire into the nature and sources of disillusionment with 
rational debate and social
science in contemporary society.  The first part explores 
four categories of problems
inherent in the application of reason and  science to 
public policy - problems of
knowledge, problems of rational discourse, ethical 
problems, and practical problems. 
The remainder of the paper deals with the question of what 
role rational debate and
social science can and should play in the formulation and 
execution of public policy. 
Drawing upon arguments derived from Popper, the authors 
defend the ideal of a
theory-guided approach to public policy that takes account 
of the kinds of problems
identified earlier in the paper, while avoiding the 
pessimistic, anti-science,
anti-rationalist, anti-theoretical conclusions often drawn 
in response to these
problems.  



{\bf Lafleur, G\'{e}rald.}  "Qui a peur des hypoth\`{e}se 
fausses?", {\em Philosophy of the Social
Sciences}, Vol. 18, No. 3 (September 1988), 387-393.  {\it 
1. Friedman et la "Th\`{e}se de
Fausset\'{e}" a. Expliquer et pr\'{e}dire; b. Subsumer; c. 
R\'{e}viser; 2. Friedman et la
Conception Popp\'{e}rienne de la V\'{e}risimilarit\'{e}.  }



{\bf Middelmann, Hans.}  "Towards an Open Society," {\em 
The Condenser} (Tongaat Hulett
Group Ltd., South Africa).



\_\_\_\_\_\_.  "New Structures," {\em Leadership}, Vol. V 
(1986).





{\bf Pickel, Andreas.}  "Never Ask Who Should Rule: Karl 
Popper and Political Theory,"
{\em Canadian Journal of Political Science}, 22, 1 (March 
1989), 83-105.  



The philosophy of Karl Popper has rarely been examined with 
respect to its
fruitfulness and relevance for political theory.  While his 
contributions to the
philosophy of science may appear to be of only marginal 
significance for the
fundamental concerns of political theory, his own forays 
into the field, particularly in
{\em The Open Society and Its Enemies}, have been polemical 
in tone and explicitly political
in motivation.  This article reexamines Popper's critique 
of the theory of sovereignty
and his own approach to political theory by employing a 
largely neglected element of
his critical approach, namely his problem-oriented method.



{\bf Radnitzky, Gerard.} "L'oggetivismo e la seduzione del 
relativismo epistemologico," in
Rosaria Egidi, ed., {\em La Svolta Relativistica 
Nell'Epistemologigia Contemporanea}
(Milano: Franco Angeli, 1988) ISBN 88-204-2991-8.  



{\bf \_\_\_\_\_\_.}  "Wozu Wissenschaftstheorie? Die 
falsifikationistische Methodologie im Lichte
des \"{O}konomischen Ansatzes," in Paul Hoyningen-Huene und 
Gertrude Hirsch (Hrsg.),
{\em Wozu Wissenschaftsphilosophie? Positionen und Fragen 
zur gegenw\"{a}rtigen
Wissenschaftsphilosophie}.  Berlin/New York: Walter de 
Gruyter, 1988.  ISBN 3-11-011472-0



{\bf van Straaten, Zak.}  "Philosophical method," {\em 
South African Journal of Philosophy}, Vol.
8, No. 1 (1989): 1-7.



In this article the author argues that the method of 
conjecture and refutation
proposed by Popper for science is, as a method, effective 
and sufficient for
philosophy.  The method is effective in those fields of 
philosophy where truth is
fundamental to the first order theories, and to the 
philosophical theory, such as
epistemology, philosophy of science, philosophy of 
language, philosophy of
psychology, etc.  If this is true then most of what Rorty 
says about method and the
nature of philosophy in {\em Philosophy and the mirror of 
nature} is false.  Sceptics such as
Wittgenstein are also refuted.



{\bf A. Ziolkowski.}  "Further Thoughts on Popperian 
Geophysics - The Example of
Deconvolution," {\em Geophysical Prospecting}, 30 (1982), 
155-165.



Popper's demarcation criterion should be applied to all our 
theories in geophysics
to ensure that our science progresses.  We must expose our 
theories to tests in
which they stand some risk of being refuted.  But if we 
have a theory which has norivals it may be difficult in 
practice to devise a test in which the theory risks being
refuted conclusively.

The example of the deconvolution problem for seismic data 
is considered for the
case where the source wavelet is unknown.  It is shown that 
all our existing theories
of deconvolutions are not scientific i Popper's sense; they 
are statistical models.  We
cannot compare these models in a way that is independent of 
the geology, for each
model requires the geology to have a different set of 
statistical properties.  Even in
our chosen geology it may be extremely difficult to 
determine the most applicable
model and hence determine the "correct" deconvolution 
theory.

It is more scientific to attempt to solve the deconvolution 
problem (a) by finding
the source wavelet first, deterministically, or (b) by 
trying to force the wavelet to be
a spike - that is, by devising a "perfect" seismic source.  
A new method of seismic
surveying, which has been proposed to tackle the 
deconvolution problem by the first
of these approaches, is based on a theory which is open to 
refutation by a simple
Popperian test.  Since the theory makes no assumptions 
about the geology, the test
has equal validity in any geology.

It pays to frame our theories in such a way that they may 
easily be put at risk. 
Only in this way will we establish whether we are on firm 
ground.  The alternative is
simply to take things on trust.  

\section{WHO'S WHO}

\subsection{Dariusz Leopold ALEKSANDROWICZ} 

{\bf Dariusz Leopold ALEKSANDROWICZ} is doc. dr hab. 
(associate professor) at the
Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Wroclaw (Lower 
Silesia, Poland).  He is at
present occupied with the problems of the dissolution of 
the really existing socialism
in Central Europe and is trying to contribute to both the 
understanding and the further
progress of this process.  Address: Odkrywco'w 13, 
PL-53-212 Wroclaw 63.  

\subsection{J\"{u}rgen August ALT}

{\bf J\"{u}rgen August ALT}.  (Arbeitsplatz) Deutsche 
Landjugend-Akademie, In der
Wehrhecke 1, D-5300 Bonn-R\"{o}ttgen (Telefon) 0228/253074; 
(privat) In der
Wehrhecke 1B, D-5300 Bonn-R\"{o}ttgen (Telefon) 
0228/254612.  Beruf: Dozent. 
Ausbildung: P\"{a}dagogik, Psychologie, Soziologie, Dr. 
phil.  Sprachen: deutsch,
englisch.  Ver\"{o}ffentlichungen: {\em Vom Ende der Utopie 
in der Erkenntnistheorie}
(Konigstein, 1980); {\em Die Fr\"{u}hschriften Poppers} 
(Frankfurt/Main: 1982); diverse
Aufs\"{a}tze.  Anfragen and die Leser: Idee der Vernunft 
(Geschichte, Theorie); Idee des
Fortschritts (Geschichte, Theorie).  

\subsection{Bente B{\O}GGILD}

{\bf Bente B{\O}GGILD}, Udbyh{\o}jvej 186, 8900 Randers, le 
Danemark.  

\subsection{Tyrrell BURGESS}

{\bf Tyrrell BURGESS}, home address: 34 Sandilands, Croydon 
CRO 5DB, United Kingdom. 
Professor in the Philosophy of Social Institutions, 
Northeast London Polytechnic,
London E15, England.  Interest in Popper's philosophy: 
application to public affairs.  

\subsection{Andre W. CARUS}

{\bf Andre W. CARUS}, address: (office)  Open Court 
Publishing Co., 315 Fifth Street,
Peru, IL 61354 USA, phone 815 224-4593  (home)  2604 
Seventh Street, Peru, IL
61354 USA, phone 815 224-4539.  Education:  Ph.D. History,  
University of
Cambridge, England.  

\subsection{Raimondo CUBEDDU}

{\bf Raimondo CUBEDDU}, address:  via Parini 1, 56010 
Ghezzano Pisa, phone
050.878247 (office) Scuola Superiore di Studi Universitari 
Sant'Anna, via Carducci 1
56100 PISA, phone 050.45074/45098; fax 050.46355.  

\subsection{Dr. Lorne L. DAWSON}

{\bf Dr. Lorne L. DAWSON}, address:  Department of 
Sociology, University of Waterloo,
phone 885-1211 ext. 2421 (home) 124 Rosslyn Ave. South, 
Hamilton, Ontario,
Can., L8M 3J2, phone 416 547-2456.  Affiliation:  SSHRCC 
Postdoctoral Fellow,
Religious Studies and Sociology, University of Waterloo.  
Education:  Ph.D. McMaster
(Religious Studies).  Interest in Popper:  General 
influence on philosophy of science,
social science and conceptions of "rationality."  
Publications: {\em Reason, Freedom and
Religion: Closing the Gap Between the Humanities and the 
Scientific Study of
Religion. }Toronto Studies in Religion (New York:  
Peter Lang, 1988).  Queries to
readers:  Would be interested to consult with anyone in 
southern Ontario studying
Habermas' theory of communicative action for detailed 
discussions.  

\subsection{John F. DEWHIRST}

{\bf John F. DEWHIRST}, address: (office) Rm 329, A.S.B., 
Faculty of Administrative
Studies, York University, Downsview Ontario M3J 2R6, phone 
736-5066, (home)
177 Camlaren Cres., Kleinburg, Ontario L0J 1C0, phone 
893-1776.  Affiliations: 
Associate Professor, Faculty of Administrative Studies, 
York University.  Education: 
B.Comm, M.B.A., Ph.D.  Interest in Popper:  Epistemology 
and scientific
methodology, social philosophy and political philosophy.  

\subsection{Marian DOBROSIELSKI}

{\bf Marian DOBROSIELSKI}, Kozia 9, m.14, PL-00-070 
Warszawa, Poland.  

\subsection{A.S. DRIVER}

{\bf A.S. DRIVER}, address: 53 Warwick Rd., 
Pietermaritzburg 3201, Natal, South Africa,
phone 0331-472565.  Education:  M.Sc (Physics) Rhodes 
University, Grahamstown
Cape 1960.  Interest in Popper's philosophy:  to develop 
its potential as one of the
greatest positive influences in human affairs that there 
has ever been.  Publications: 
Minor articles relating to Popper's philosophy, and many 
letters to the press about the
growth of reason in educational, social, theological and 
political theory.  Queries to
readers:  I would be delighted by any kind of interaction 
and criticism from anyone
'on my wavelength' anywhere, since I get almost no 
interaction whatever is South
Africa.  I would be glad to know about the co-ordination of 
'mind skills' and their
development for use in conventional education.  

\subsection{Roberto DUBUC}

{\bf Roberto DUBUC}, address:  Avenida Principal de 
Sebucan, Residencias Avignon,
Apartamento 5-1, Caracas 1070, Venezuela.  Affiliations:  
CATO Institute. 
Background in economy, is an economic consultant.  

\subsection{R. V. DUSEK}

{\bf R. V. DUSEK} has taught for 20 years at the University 
of NH (Durham, NH) and is
currently an associate professor involved in teaching 
logic, philosophy of science, and
Marxism.  Other interests include genetic engineering, 
biotech, evolution and
philosophy, the history of economic thought, as well as 
work in Science for the
People (State Contact, NH), and Amnesty International.   
Particular interests in
relation to Popper include the Scientific method, 
metaphysics and science, the debate
with Marxism, and relations to Peirce and Friess.  Would 
appreciate information
concerning Popper and the languages of psychopathology.  
Education:  Ph.D.
University of Texas, Austin.  Publications include "C.S. 
Peirce; Geodesy and Geology
in Work of" in Schneer ed. {\em 100 Years of Geology in 
America}, 1977; {\em Philosophy
Forum} special issue on sociobiology, 1982/83; 
"Falsifiability and Power Elite Theory"
{\em J Compar Admin}, Sept 1969; "Abduction, Ampliative 
Inference" {\em Telos} No. 6, 1968-9.  Address: 2 Foss Farm 
Rd., Durham, NH, 03824.  

\subsection{Antony FLEW}

{\bf Antony FLEW}, 26 Alexandra Road, Reading RG1 
5PD, England.

\subsection{Y. FRIED}

{\bf Y. FRIED}, address:  9 Hatzvi Street, Tel Aviv, 
Israel, phone 03-5743111.  Affiliations: 
Tel Aviv University Medical School.  Professional 
background:  Psychiatry.  Interest in
Popper: general epistemology.  Publications:  Y Fried and 
J. Agassi, {\em Paranoia}, Reidel,
1976; Y. Fried and J. Agassi, {\em Psychiatry as Medicine}, 
Nighoff, 1983.  Activities: 
Psychiatry, History of Medicine. 


\subsection{Knut GOTH}

{\bf Knut GOTH}, address: 0-5230 S\"{o}mmerda, 
Volkswohlstrasse 10, Germany 


\subsection{Dr. David G. GREEN}

{\bf Dr. David G. GREEN}, address:  IEA, 2 Lord North 
Street, London SW1P 3LB, phone
01 799 3745.  Affiliations: IEA.  Education:  Political 
Science, Sociology, Ph.D
(1980) Newcastle;  Thesis published as {\em Power and Party 
in an English City} London:
George Allen \& Unwin, 1981).  Publications:  {\em Mutual 
Aid or Welfare State: 
Australia's Friendly Societies}. Sydney: George Allen \& 
Unwin, 1984; {\em Working-Class
Patients and the Medical Establishment:  Self-Help in 
Britain From the Mid-Nineteenth
Century to 1984}. London: Gower/Temple Smith; New York: St. 
Martin's Press, 1985;
{\em Challenge to the NHS: A Study of Competition in 
American Health Care and the
Lessons for Britain}.  London: Institute of Economic 
Affairs, 1986; {\em The New Right: the
Counter-Revolution in Political, Economic and Social 
Thought}. Brighton:  Wheatsheaf
Books. (Published in USA as {\em The New Conservatism}. New 
York: St. Martin's Press.),
1987; {\em Everyone a Private Patient:  An Analysis of the 
Structural Flaws in the NHS
and How They Could be Remedied}. London: Institute of 
Economic Affairs, 1988; 
{\em Social Welfare: The Changing Debate}.  Sydney:  Centre 
for Independent Studies,1988; "The British Scene" in W. 
Mitchell, {\em Government as It Is}, London, IEA, 1988;
"Tax funding is the flaw in the NHS", {\em Medeconomics}, 
May, 1988, pp. 106-8.  
Activities:  Director, IEA Health Unit, Institute of 
Economic Affairs.  

\subsection{Adolf GR\"{U}NBAUM}

{\bf Adolf GR\"{U}NBAUM}, Departments of Philosophy and 
Psychiatry, University of
Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA.  B.A. with Highest Distinction 
in Philosophy of
Mathematics from Connecticut Wesleyan University, M.S. in 
Physics from Yale, and
Ph.D. in Philosophy from Yale.  Adolf Gr\"{u}nbaum's 
writings deal with the philosophy
of physics, the theory of scientific rationality, and the 
philosophy of psychiatry.  His
offices include the presidency of the American 
Philosophical Association (Eastern
Division), and the Philosophy of Science Association (two 
terms).  He is a member of
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, a fellow of the 
American Association
for the Advancement of Sciences, and a Laureate of the 
International Academy of
Humanism.  In 1985, he delivered the Gifford Lectures in 
Scotland as well as the
Werner Heisenberg Lecture to the Bavarian Academy of 
Sciences in Munich. He is the
recipient of a 1985 "Senior U.S. Scientist" Humboldt Prize, 
and of a 1989 "Fregene
Prize"(Rome, Italy).  In 1989, he received the first-ever 
"Master Scholar and Professor
Award" from the President of the University of Pittsburgh.  
And in May 1990, Yale
University awarded him the Wilbur Lucius Cross Medal for 
outstanding achievement. 
Currently, he is the Andrew Mellon Professor of Philosophy, 
Research Professor of
Psychiatry, and Chairman of the Center for Philosophy of 
Science at the University of
Pittsburgh.  In 1983, a {\em Festschrift} for him, edited 
by R.S. Cohen \& L. Laudan,
appeared under the title {\em Physics, Philosophy and 
Psychoanalysis}.  Publications:  "The
Placebo Concept in Medicine and Psychiatry"; abstract:  The 
standard technical
vocabulary used to define placebo therapies and 
experimental placebo controls in
medicine and psychiatry is both confusing and obscure.  To 
achieve conceptual
clarity in the theory of placebogenic phenomena, this paper 
offers a rigorous
articulation of the placebo notion, a lucid new terminology 
that obviates the defects
intrinsic to the traditional locutions employed in the 
placebo literature, and a
substantial revamping of A.K. Shapiro's influential prior 
definition of "placebo" in
Shepherd, M. and Sartorius, N. eds. {\em Non Specific 
Aspects of Treatment}.  Toronto,
Lewiston, New York, Bern, Stuttgart:  Hans Huber 
Publishers, 1989, pp.7-38;  Pr\'{e}cis
of {\em The Foundations of Psychoanalysis:  A Philosophical 
Critique}, and Author's
Response (to 39 reviews of {\em Foundations}), "Is Freud's 
Theory Well-Founded?" in
{\em Behavioral and Brain Sciences}, Vol. 9, No.2 (June 
1986), pp. 217-284; an Italian
translation, with an Introduction by Marcello Pera, 
entitled {\em Psicoanalisi: Obiezioni E
Riposte} was published in 1988 as a paperback by Armando 
Editore, Rome Italy;  A
German translation, together with some other essays, will 
be published by Springer
Verlag as {\em Kritische Betrachtungen zu den Grundlagen 
der Psychoanalyse}; the Pr\'{e}cis
portion of the American original was reprinted in P. Clark 
\& C. Wright (eds.), {\em Mind,
Psychoanalysis and Science}.  Oxford and New York:  Basil 
Blackwell, 1988.  This
Pr\'{e}cis is also being reprinted in J.H. Ghannam (ed.), 
{\em The Scientific Foundations of
Psychoanalysis}.  New York: The Guilford Press;  "Are 
Hidden Motives in
Psychoanalysis Reasons But Not Causes of Human Conduct?"  
in S.B. Messer, L.A.
Sass \& R.L. Woolfolk (eds.), {\em Hermeneutics and 
Psychological Theory:  Interpretive
Perspectives on Personality, Psychotherapy and 
Psychopathology}.  New Brunswick,
NJ:  Rutgers University Press, 1988, pp.149-167, and 
"Rejoinder to
Bernstein,"pp.175-181;  "Psychoanalysis and Theism," {\em 
The Monist}, vol. 70, No.
2,(April 1987), pp.152-192;  "The Psychoanalytic Enterprise 
in Scientific
Perspective," forthcoming in C.W. Savage (ed.), {\em 
Scientific Theories}, Vol. 14 in the
Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of Science series.  
University of Minnesota
Press, 1990. An Italian translation of an earlier version 
of this paper entitled'L'Impresa Psicoanalitica:  Una 
Valtazione' appeared in {\em Nuova Civilta Delle Macchine
IV}- nn.3/4(15/16) 1986, pp.123-130.  A German translation 
will appear in Vienna;
"The Role of the Case Study Method in the Foundation of 
Psychoanalysis," in H.
Vetter \& L. Nagl (eds.), {\em Die Philosophen und Freud}, 
Vol.3 of Wiener Reihe, Themen
der Philosophie.  Vienna: R. Oldenburg Verlag, 1988, 
pp.134-174;  "The
Degeneration of Popper's Theory of Demarcation," in I.C. 
Jarvie \& F. D'Agostino
(eds.) {\em Freedom and Rationality}, Festschrift for John 
Watkins, Boston Studies in the
Philosophy of Science.  Boston and Dordrecht:  Reidel, 
1989, pp.141-161;  "Why
Thematic Kinships Between Events Do NOT Attest Their Causal 
Linkage,"  in J.R.
Brown \& J. Mittelstrass (eds.). {\em An Intimate Relation: 
 Studies in the History and
Philosophy of Science}, a Festschrift for Robert E. Butts.  
Boston Studies in the
Philosophy of Science.  Boston:  Reidel, 1989, pp.477-493.  
An Italian translation
appeared in the Italian journal {\em IRIDE}, Vol. 1, No. 2 
(1989),pp.5-21;  "Meaning
Connections and Causal Connections in the Human Sciences:  
The Poverty of
Hermeneutic Philosophy," to appear in the {\em Jl. of the 
American Psychoanalytic Assn.},
Vol 38(No.3),September 1990;  "The Pseudo-Problem of 
Creation in Physical
Cosmology" in {\em Philosophy of Science} vol.56, no.3, 
Sept. 1989, pp.373-394, abtract
found in that publication:  According to some cosmologists, 
the big bang cosmology
and even the (now largely defunct) steady-state theory pose 
a scientifically insoluable
problem of matter-energy creation.  But I argue that the 
genuine problem of the origin
of matter-energy or of the universe has been fallaciously 
transmuted into the pseudo-problem of creation by an 
external cause.  A fortiori, it emerges that the initial 
"true"
and "false" vacuum states of quantum cosmology do not 
vindicate biblical divine
creation ex nihilo at all;"  also published in J. Leslie, 
(ed.), {\em Physical Cosmology and
Philosophy}, New York:  Macmillan, 1990, pp.92-112, {\em 
Free Inquiry} vol.9, No.4,
1989,pp.48-57, {\em Epistemologia} (Italy), vol.12, 1989, 
pp.3-32;  a sequel to the above
paper, "Pseudo-Creation of the Big Bang," {\em Nature} 
vol.344, No.6269, April,
1990,pp.821-822.  


\subsection{Toby E. HUFF}

{\bf Toby E. HUFF}, address:  Department of Sociology, 
Southeastern Mass. University, N.
Dartmouth MA, 02747 U.S.A., phone:  508 999-8405.  Home 
address:  49 Clyde St.
Newtonville, MA 02160, phone  617 332-2033.  Education:  
Ph.D. Sociology. 
Publications:  {\em Max Weber and the Methodology of Social 
Science}  Transactions Books
(1984).

\subsection{Struan JACOBS}

{\bf Struan JACOBS}, address:  School of Humanities, Deakin 
University, Geelong,
Victoria, Australia 3217, phone 052 471-336 (home) 9A 
Laurel Bank PDE.,
Newtown, Victoria, Australia 3220, phone 052 211 829.  
Education:  B.A.(Tas),
M.A.(Melb), Doctoral thesis submitted to LSE.  Interest in 
Popper:  Philosophies of
science, social science and politics.  Publications:  
Articles in {\em Philosophy of the Social
Sciences}, {\em British Journal of Sociology}, {\em Midwest 
Quarterly}.  

\subsection{G\'{e}rald LAFLEUR}

{\bf G\'{e}rald LAFLEUR}, adresse:  4038 Rosemont, 
Montr\'{e}al, Qu\'{e}bec, H1X 1M3, t\'{e}l. 514-722-9231.  
Affiliation:  Etudiant de Doctorat en Philosophie, 
U.Q.A.M..  Education:
Ma\^{i}trise en philosophie, U.Q.A.M..  Int\'{e}r\^{e}t 
\`{a} la philosophie de Popper: M\'{e}moire de
ma\^{i}trise sur la verisimilarit\'{e}.  Pr\'{e}paration 
d'une th\`{e}se doctorat sur Popper et
l'\'{e}conomique.  Publications:  "Qui a peur des 
hypoth\`{e}ses fausses?"  {\em Phil. Soc. Sc.}
(septembre 1988 ); "Le probl\`{e}me de la fausset\'{e} des 
hypoth\`{e}ses en \'{e}conomie et dans
la science empirique," {\em Cahiers 
d'\'{e}pist\'{e}mology}, U.Q.A.M., no.8803;  
"V\'{e}risimilarit\'{e} et
m\'{e}thodologie popp\'{e}rienne," {\em ibidem}, no.8801.  
Activiti\'{e}s:  Membre du Groupe de
Recherche en Epist\'{e}mologie Compare\'{e} (G.R.E.C.), 
directeur Robert Nadeau,
U.Q.A.M..

\subsection{Joel Jay KASSIOLA}

{\bf Joel Jay KASSIOLA} is professor of Political Science 
at Brooklyn College. 
Publications:  The Death of Industrialized Civilization:  
The Limits to Economic Growth
and the Repoliticization of Advanced Industrial Society; 
contents:  Part 1: Advanced
Industrial society in Crisis:  Experiencing the 
Consequences of Economic Growth
Addiction 1) The Contemporary Industrial Crisis and the 
Limits-to-Growth Controversy
2) The Death of Industrial Illusions  Part II: Modern 
Economics as the Reductionism of
Politics 3) The Modern Rise of Economics and the Demise of 
Politics 4) Industrial
Economic Reductionism: Depoliticization through the 
Addiction to Unlimited Growth
5) Liberalism and the Economic Reductionism of Politics 6) 
The Concept of "Relative
Wealth": A Social limit to Growth that Destroys the 
Addiction to Growth and Spurs
Repoliticization  Part III:  The Values of Industrialism:  
Unlimited Competitive
Materialism and the Normative Limits to Growth 7) Beyond 
the Biophysical Limits to
Growth:  Assessing Industrial Values  8) Materialism and 
Modern Political Philosophy 
Part IV:  Transindustrial Values:  Replacing the Addiction 
to Unlimited Free Economic
Growth with Nonmaterialism, Noncompetition, Participatory 
Democracy and
Community 9) Social Transformation into a Transindustrial 
Community 10)
Conclusion:  Towards a New Transindustrial Society.   

\subsection{Kimball KRAMER}

{\bf Kimball KRAMER}, address:  40-1915 Newport Parkway, 
Jersey City, NJ 07310. 
phone:  office 201-724-3801, home:  201-659-1214.  
Background: physicist.

\subsection{Jan KRYSPIN}

{\bf Jan KRYSPIN}, address: 99 Avenue Rd. \#303 
Toronto, Ontario, Can., M5R 1S2,
phone 416 961-1140 (home) 22 Aldenham Cres. Don Mills, Ont. 
M3A 1S2, phone
416 447-2394.  Affiliation:  University of Toronto, 
Departments of Medicine and
Physiology.  Education:  M.D.(1950), Ph.D.(C.Sc., 1959); 
medicine, philosophy,
physics, engineering, clinical physiology.  Interest in 
Popper:  Popper's personality. 
Activities:  consulting, director of pain clinic.  

\subsection{William L. LIBBY, Jr.}

{\bf William L. LIBBY, Jr.},  address:  Department of 
Psychology.  University of Windsor,
Windsor, Ontario, N9B 3P4, phone 519-253-4232.  Home 
address:  4240 Riverside
Dr. E., Windsor, Ontario, N8Y 1B5, phone 519-944-5127.  
Affiliations:  APA, World
Future Soc..  Education:  Ph.D. Chicago.

\subsection{K. MAZUREK}

{\bf K. MAZUREK}, address: Faculty of Education, 
University of Lethbridge, Lethbridge,
Alberta, T1K 3M4, phone: 403-329-2462; home address, 101 
Ridgewood Crescent
W., Lethbridge, Alberta, T1K 6C9, phone: 403-392-2260.  
Interests: logic of inquiry,
research methods, historiolgraphy.  Education: Ph.D., 
University of Alberta.  Interest
in Popper's philosophy: logic of inquiry.  

\subsection{Lee C. MCINTYRE}

{\bf Lee C. MCINTYRE}, address: (home) 5233 N.E. 62nd 
Avenue, Portland, Oregon,
97218, U.S.A., phone 503 281-4118  (office) Department of 
Philosophy, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI 48109, phone 313 764-6285. 
Eduction:  currently
enroled in Ph.D. in Philosophy at University of Michigan, 
dissertation on the status of
{\bf law}-like explanations in the social sciences, also 
interested in the question of whether
there is a "fundamental" demarcation between natural and 
social science, M.A.
Philosophy University of Michigan (1987), B.A. Phil Social 
Science Wesleyan
University (1984). Affiliations:  Member of Phil Sci Assoc. 
of APA.  Interests in
Popper:  Falsification, Demarcation, general philosophy of 
science and philosophy of
social science.  

\subsection{MIDDELMANN, Hans}

{\bf MIDDELMANN, Hans} (Commencement Ceremony, University 
of Cape Town, 24 June
1988)

Hans Middelmann was born in Berlin in 1912 and educated 
there and in Leipzig.
His father, who had had a spell in London himself, sent him 
to work in London for a
year.  he attended the London School of Economics as an 
occasional student, hearing
people such as Ghandi and Nehru at the Round Table 
Conference, G. B. Shaw and
Hayek, absorbing ideas that reacted with the metal that was 
already in him.

When he returned to Germany he found a place in a private 
bank, owned by a
friend of his father.  The owners were Jews, and over the 
four years the young 19
year old German Middelmann was to see the effect of Nazism 
on people that he
worked with and for.  It became apparent to him and to his 
elder brother that things
were happening which they could not stomach, and that they 
must therefore leave
Germany.  It was a striking decision when one remembers 
what life and the future
must have looked like to the young gentile Germans of that 
time, intoxicated by
nationalism.  But there were not many places one could go 
to:  South Africa was one
of the few whose requirements were minimal and whose doors 
were open, and by
1937 Hans had followed his brother to this country.  He 
came on a visitor's visa, and
it was an irony and a sign of things to come that when he 
arrived the law had been
changed as the result of disturbances caused by agitators, 
led by a young Hendrik
Verwoerd, against the admission of Jews to the country.  
That law caught Hans
Middelmann too and he had a long battle to convert his 
visitor's visa to an immigrant
visa.

He began work for Inter-union Finance Ltd. of Cape Town, 
starting at humble
level and working his way up to the managing directorship 
from 1959 to 1970.  It
was his base for all his activities.  it thrived under his 
guidance.  From that base he
extended in four ways: first to the Junior Chamber of 
Commerce, after the war to the
Cape Town Chamber of Commerce, becoming President in 
1959/60, and from there
to the Association of Chambers of Commerce of South Africa, 
of which he became
president in 1961/62.  The second way was to the boards of 
many companies where
he played important roles, most particularly of the 
Colonial Mutual Life Assurance
Society, whose board he chaired for 10 years, of Garlicks, 
of the Standard Bank, the
Standard Bank Investment Corporation, and the Standard 
Merchant Bank; more
recently of the Tongaat Group in Natal.  These appointments 
were tributes to the
respect he elicited.  The conviction, vision and integrity 
that have characterised all his
doings were displayed just as much in these business 
financial activities as
elsewhere.  he had imagination, was innovative, and 
pioneered new practices of
which an example is his negotiation of the first major 
lease-back operation in South
Africa.  It is noteworthy that he was President of the 
Junior Chamber of Commerce
whilst still classified, as he was during the war, as an 
enemy alien exempt from
internment.

A third way that he extended himself was in his service to 
this University.  Hans
Middelmann was elected to the Council of the University in 
1973, to be a member of
the Baxter Theatre Board in 1975, and he has been Chairman 
since 1980; as a
trustee of the UCT Foundation in 1976 and he has been 
Chairman since that same
year.  Councils of universities are excellent, or adequate, 
or poor, by virtue of their
having on them men and women of wisdom, integrity and 
vision, the greatly
respected persons quoted with satisfaction or chagrin when 
difficult issues are
debated.  None who has served on the UCT Council will fail 
to recognise Hans
Middelmann as fitting that description exactly, and to hold 
dear a person who, now
with a twinkle in his eye, now with a glint of conviction, 
plays so important a part in
its governance of this University.

There is a last and important direction in which 
Hans~Middelmann extended
himself.  From the time in London when Hayek inspired him, 
hans Middelmann
wished to make his contribution to liberal thought.  In 
Cape Town he met at theEconomics Society, the Dean of 
Commerce Professor W. H. Hutt, who continued his
education.  It was he who advised Hans Middelmann - "Do not 
register for a BCom,
look - here are 4 tickets to the University library, take 
them and go and read
everything you can."  And so, apart from the odd course, 
that is what
Hans~Middelmann did, reading widely and deeply, much 
influenced by Karl Popper but
developing his own ideas, and writing about them, of 
freedom, of economic
liberalism, of constitutional development, of new 
structures to accommodate an open
society.

\subsection{Greg MOGLIA}  

{\bf Greg MOGLIA}, address:  34 Robin Dr., Hauprauge, N.Y. 
11787.  Affiliation:  N.Y.U.,
Ph.D. applied Popper to science teaching. 

\subsection{Robert NOLA}

{\bf Robert NOLA}, Department of Philosophy, 
University of Auckland.

\subsection{Donald E. OLSEN, FAIA}

{\bf Donald E. OLSEN, FAIA}, address: (office)  1349 Powell 
Street Emeryville, California
94680, phone 415 658-2222 (home) 771 San Diego Road, 
Berkeley, California
94707 phone 415 524 5764 (university)  Department of 
Architecture , University of
California, Berkeley, California 94720, phone 415 642-4942, 
415 642-4413. 
Affiliations:  American Institute of Architects; Fellow 
American Institute of Architects;
British Society for the Philosophy of Science; Society for 
Philosophy and Technology;
Newsletter for those interested in the philosophy of Karl 
Popper.  Education: 
Bachelor of Architecture, University of Minnesota; Master 
of Architecture, Harvard
University (on scholarship); A.W. Wheelwright Fellow, 
Harvard University;
Postgraduate Study in Civic Design University of Liverpool; 
Post Graduate study in
philosophy of science, The London School of Economics 
1962-63 and 1968.  Private
Architectural practice 1954 to present, professor or 
architecture, University of
California 1954 to present; Guest Professor - American and 
European Universities. 
Interest in Popper's philosophy:  Epistemology, facts and 
decisions, holism,
determinism v.s. indeterminism, world III etc., growth of 
knowledge, evolutionary
epistemology.  Publications:  Magazine articles; mainly 
articles about me or my work. 
Activities:  study of philosophy, travel and travel 
photography.  News of that might
be of interest to other readers: Insatiable interest, alas, 
by architecture students in
phenomenology.  Especially Martin Heidegger; and now also 
Michel Foucault.  These
things come in fashion waves.  To dissuade students is 
about like fighting the tide of
the pacific.  But these fashions are short lived - five or 
six years and a new fad takes
over.  This has been gathering momentum the better part of 
ten years and is at a high
point just now.  I suspect it will dissipate soon. 

\subsection{Christopher Peter ORMELL} 

{\bf Christopher Peter ORMELL,} Senior Fellow, EDU, 
University of East Anglia, Norwich,
England NR4 7TZ.  Education:  Maths and Philosophy degrees 
at Oxford.  Interest in
Popper:  epistemology, theory of self-reference, philosophy 
of science.  Publications: 
About 90 articles in Journals and books.  My most recent 
paper is in the {\em Cambridge
Journal of Education}, 18, 2, 1988, "Is there a future for 
Liberal Education?". 
Activities:  Editor-in-Chief  Mathematics Applicable Group 
(Mag), Educationalist. 
During the period 1982-85 I wrote four monographs on 
understanding during the
period 1982-85.  The four monographs form a sustained 
argument which begins with
a re-examination of the applicability of mathematics.  By 
pinning down the 'use' of
mathematics it is possible to formulate a new and more 
powerful version of the
empiricist view of meaning (Vol.2).  This is then applied 
in Vol.3 to derive a wholly
'naturalistic' view of meaning in pure mathematics.  It is 
argued that Cantor's
'Diagonal Argument' has been seriously misunderstood by 
successive commentators. 
It cannot tell us that there are {\em more} real numbers 
than rationals because any realnumber with accredited 
existence has a generating rule and this can be {\em 
embedded} in
the 'greater lexicographic ordering' - a lexicographic 
ordering of all the symbols ever
used by the human race.  The reals are, indeed, 
'uncountable' but not for reasons of
numerousness.  Vol. 4 is an ambitious attempt to drive a 
Popperian-Lakatosian view
of science to the limit.  It studies the fitness of 
mathematics to give us the best
possible models of physical reality and finds it wanting.  
This leads to the
specifications of a new quasi-mathematical science beyond 
mathematics which does
meet the requirement for models in science.  The result is 
therefore to open up a new
kind of scientific (i.e. falsifiable) theorising.  These 
monographs were published by the
MAG, EUD, UEA Norwich NR4 7TJ, U.K.. 

\subsection{Ray PERCIVAL}

{\bf Ray PERCIVAL} Organiser and Chairman of the Annual 
One-Day Conference on the
Philosophy of Sir Karl Popper.  His Ph.D.:  I am working on 
Popper's notion of an
immunising stratagem, and exploring the role of these 
devices in the evolution of
networks  of ideas in response to criticism.  Specifically, 
i would like to determine the
exact logical possibilities for the evasion of criticism 
and also the costs of evasion in
terms of reduced ideological survival value.   

\subsection{Henry J. PERKINSON}

{\bf Henry J. PERKINSON}, address:  737 East Bldg. New York 
University, NY, NY,
10003, phone 212 998-5045 (home) 301 Wood Lane, Edgewater 
Park, NJ, 08010,
phone 609 387-7409.  Affiliations:  New York University, 
Professor of Educational
History.  Interest in Popper:  applications to Educational 
Theory.  Publications:  {\em The
Possibilities of Error}, {\em Learning From Our Mistakes}, 
{\em Since Socrates}, Knowledge ,
Fallibilism and Education (co-author).  Queries to readers: 
 Anyone working on
applications of Popper's work to Educational Theory and 
Practice?  

\subsection{Darko POLSEK}

{\bf Darko POLSEK},  Philosophical Faculty, Zadar, 
Yugoslavia.  

\subsection{Anthony QUINTON}

{\bf Anthony QUINTON}, address:  The British Library, 2 Sheraton 
Street, London W1V
4BH, England, telephone 01-323-7012 (home) 22 St. James's 
Square, London SW1Y
4JH, England.  Professional background: teaching philosophy 
in Oxford 1949-1987,
President, Trinity College, Oxford 1978-1987, currently 
chairman, British Library. 
Interest in Popper:  professional from first reading of 
'Open Society' in 1946. 
Publications:  {\em Nature of Things} (1973), Utilitarian 
Ethics (1973), Politics of
Imperfection (1978), Francis Bacon (1980) {\em Nature of 
Things} (1973) and {\em Thoughts
and Thinkers} (1982), the latter two containing  
substantial consideration of Popper's
philosophy.  

\subsection{Gerard RADNITZKY}

{\bf Gerard RADNITZKY} ist Ordinarius f\"{u}r 
Wissenschaftstheorie an der Universit\"{a}t Trier
seit 1976; 1973-76 war er ordentlicher Professor f\"{u}r 
Wissenschaftstheorie und
Wissenschaftstheorie und Wissenschaftsgeschichte an der 
Ruhr-Universit\"{a}t Bochum
und vorher Universit\"{a}tsdozent an der Universit\"{a}t 
G\"{o}teborg, Schweden.  1972 Visiting
Professor an der State University of New York at Stony 
Brook; 1978 Fellow of the
Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; seit 1975 
Membre Titulaire der
Acad\'{e}mie Internationale de Philosophie des Sciences 
(1981-1987 Premier Assesseur)
und seit 1981 ordentliches Mitglied der Sudetendeutschen 
Adademie der
Wissenschaften und K\"{u}nste.  (Festschrift zu seinem 60. 
Geburtstag: Andersson, G.
(Hg.).  {\em Rationality in Science and Politics.}  
Dordrecht: Reidel 1984).

Ausgew\"{a}hlte Schriften: {\em Contemporary Schools of 
Metascience};{\em  Preconceptions
in Research}; {\em Epistemologiz e Politica della Ricerca}; 
{\em L'Epistemologia di Popper e la
Ricerca Scientifica} sowie \"{u}ber hundert Aufs\"{a}tze 
zur Wissenschaftstheorie und zur
politischen philosophie, darunter z.B.: "Science, 
Technology, and PoliticalResponsibility," {\em Minerva} 
(London) 21:234-264 (1983) und "R\'{e}flexions sur Popper,"
{\em Archives de Philosophie} (Paris) 48:79-108 (1985).  Er 
ist Mitherausgeber zahlreicher
B\"{u}cher, darunter: {\em Voraussetzungen und Grenzen der 
Wissenschaft}; {\em Fortschritt und
Rationalit\"{a}t der Wissenschaft} (beide auch auf 
englisch, italienisch und spanisch); (mit
W.W. Bartley, III) {\em Evolutionary Epistemology, 
Rationality, and the Sociology of
Knowledge} (LaSalle, IL: Open Court 1987); (mit P. 
Bernholz) {\em Economic Imperialism:
The Economic Approach Applied Outside the Field of 
Economics} (New York, NY:
Paragon House 1987) und Herausgeber von {\em Centripetal 
Forces in the Sciences} (New
York, NY: Paragon House 1987).

\subsection{Jacques G. RUELLAND}

{\bf Jacques G. RUELLAND}, teaches philosophy at the 
\'{E}cole nationale d'A\'{e}rotechniqe du
Coll\`{e}ge Edouard-Montpetit (St. Hubert, QC) and history 
of science and of medicine in
Department of History, Universit\'{e} de Montr\'{e}al. 
Address: 360 Venise, Brossard, QC,
J4W 1W7, t\'{e}l. off. (514) 678-3560 poste 223, home (514) 
671-7427; acad. discip.:
philosophy and history; fields: philosophy of science and 
of history, political history,
history of science and of medicine; education: B.A. 
philosophy (Universit\'{e} du Qu\'{e}bec
\`{a} Montr\'{e}al), M.A. Philosophy (UQAM), M.A. History 
(Universit\'{e} de Montr\'{e}al); Ph.D.
Histoire des sciences, Universit\'{e} de Montr\'{e}al - to 
be obtained in 1991; publications:
"La controverse Habermas-Popper", {\em La petite revue de 
philosophie}, Longueil, vol. 2,
no. 1, pp.105-135; "L'anti-historicisme de Karl Popper," 
m\'{e}moire de ma\^{i}trise en
philo., UQAM 1984; {\em De l'\'{e}pist\'{e}mologie 
\`{a} la politique.  La philosophie de l'histoire de
Karl R. Popper}, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 
1991; many other
publications; interests in Popper's philosophy of history, 
Popper on social science,
Popper's unity of method.

\subsection{Kurt SALAMUN}

{\bf Kurt SALAMUN}: Geboren 1940; Studium der Philosophie, 
Psychologie, Germanistik
und Anglistik; seit 1963 Mitarbeiter am Institut f\"{u}r 
Philosophie der Universit\"{a}t Graz;
1965 Promotion; 1973 Habilitation f\"{u}r Philosophie mit 
besonderer Ber\"{u}cksichtigung
der Philosophie der Politik bei Ernst Topitsch; seit 1975 
au{\ss}erordentlicher Professor
der Abteilung f\"{u}r Philosophische Soziologie am Institut 
f\"{u}r Philosophie der Universit\"{a}t
Graz.  Adresse: Heinrichstrasse 26/VI, A-8010 Graz, 
\"{O}sterreich.

\subsection{Pierre SALMON}

{\bf Pierre SALMON}, address:  Universit\'{e} de Bourgogne, 
Facult\'{e} de Science \'{e}conomique,
4 Boulevard Gabriel, F-24000 Dijon, France, phone 
80-39-55-00 (home) 3 Rue
Bellevue, F-21121 Daix, France, phone 80-56-53-31.  
Education:  Docteur en
Sciences \'{e}conomiques (Univ. de Paris), Diplome de 
l'Institut d'Etudes Politiques de
Paris.  Interest in Popper:  1) de la m\'{e}thodologie 
\'{e}conomique  2) de la philosophie
politique.  Publications:  "La m\'{e}thodologie 
hypoth\'{e}tique d\'{e}ductive et les
raisonnements en termes de "comme in" en \'{e}conomique", 
{\em Revue d'Economie
Politique}, 1976, No. 5; {\em M\'{e}thodologie Economique}, 
Paris, Presses Universitaires de
France (en collaboration avec A. Minget et A. 
Wolfelsperger), 1985; 
"Decentralization as an Inventive Scheme," {\em Oxford 
Review of Economic Policy}, 1987-9;  "Alterable Electorates 
in the Context of Residential Mobility", {\em Public 
Choice},
October, 1988 (en collaboration avec A. Minget); "Trust and 
Trans-bureau Networks
in Organizations", {\em European Journal of Political 
Economy}  Vol 6, 1988, Extra Issue.  

\subsection{Claude SAVARY}

{\bf Claude SAVARY}, address:  2069 Bd. des Forges, 
Trois-Rivi\`{e}res, Que., Canada G8Z
1T9, phone  374-7128.  Affiliations:  Universit\'{e} du 
Qu\'{e}bec a Trois Rivi\`{e}res.  

\subsection{Vivien SCHMIDT}

{\bf Vivien SCHMIDT}, address:  Department of Management, 
University of
Massachusetts/Boston, Boston, MA 02125, phone 617 929-8060  
(home) 205
Beacon Street, Boston, MA 02116, phone 617 267-7738.  
Affiliation:  University ofMassachusetts/Boston, Associate 
Professor.  Education:  Ph.D. Political Science,
1981, University of Chicago.  Publications:  "Four Models 
of Explanation"
{\em Methodology and Science}, vol 21, no.3 (1988); "The 
Historical Approach to
Philosophy of Science:  Toulmin in Perspective" {\em 
Metaphilosophy} vol 19, no.3 (1988);
"Four Approaches to Science and their Implications for 
Organized Theory and
Research" {\em Knowledge} vol 9, no.1 (1987); "Four 
Approaches to Scientific Rationality"
{\em Methodology and Science} vol 19, no.3 (1986); a number 
of articles on French politics
and political economy. 

\subsection{Jeremy SHEARMUR}

{\bf Jeremy SHEARMUR}, Department of Political 
Science, Faculty of Arts, Australian
National University, Canberra, ACT 2601, Australia.  
Education: B.Sc (Econ), M.Sc.,
Ph.D. (London School of Economics), former assistant to 
Popper for eight years. 
Publications:  Philosophy of science and social science; 
political philosophy, history of
political thought, political economy.  Activities:  
Organized first two Annual Popper
conferences in U.K., numerous panels at political studies 
association, American
Political Science Association, American Philosophical 
Association, American
Association of Law Schools, American Historical 
Association, etc..  

\subsection{John Robert SKOYLES}

{\bf John Robert SKOYLES}, address: Department of 
Psychology, University College
London, Gower St., London WCIE 6BT, phone, 01-387 7050 ext. 
5358 (home) 6
Denning Rd., Hampstead, London NW3 ISU, phone, 01 435-3784. 
 Education:  B.Sc.
(Econ) London School of Economics Department of Philosophy. 
 Publications:  Vowels
of Civilization  New Scientist 24/31 Dec., 1988.  

\subsection{Zak VAN STRAATEN}

{\bf Zak VAN STRAATEN}:   Department of Philosophy, 
University of Cape Town,
Rondebosch 7700, South Africa, (021) 650-3316 (office).  
Strong and
comprehensive interest in Popper philosophy.  Publications 
include "Philosophical
Method," {\em South African Journal of Philosophy}, June 
1988, arguing that "the method
of conjecture and refutation proposed by Popper for 
science, is, as a method,
effective and sufficient for philosophy."  

\subsection{Andrew P. VAYDA}

{\bf Andrew P. VAYDA,} Human Ecology, Cook College, P.O.Box 
231, Rutgers College,
New Brunswick, New Jersey 08903, phone 201 932-9166  (home) 
212 222-0647. 
Affiliations:  Department of Human Ecology, Cook College, 
Rutgers University. 
Education:  Ph.D. Anthropology, Columbia University.  
Interest in Popper:  Popperian
methodology and social science.  Publications:  Recent 
articles: "Holism and
Individualism in Ecological Anthropology," "Actions and 
Consequences as Objects of
Explanation in Human Ecology," "Explaining What People Eat: 
 A Review Article." 
Activities:  Teaching courses on explanation and 
methodology in social and ecological
science; research in Indonesia and elsewhere on processes 
and mechanisms of social
and ecological change.  

\end{document}
